SUMMARY
The briefing argues that the Nigerian economy is foreign capital driven and that the rentier character of the state has facilitated dominance of foreign capital in the gas sector. Furthermore, that the control of the sector and consequent reliance on foreign technology have distorted and stagnated local initiatives toward development of indigenous technology in the production of liquefied natural gas.
The Sanction Regime in the 2010 Electoral Act and Recurring Infractions in the Electoral Process in Nigeria
IntroductionThe third wave of democratization, which began in the late 19 th century no doubt, reinforced the centrality and indispensability of elections as a framework for smooth and peaceful transfer of power from one government to another. Elections provide the medium through which the electorate can exercise their franchise by voting for their preferred political parties and candidates, and by so doing participate in the formation of government and engage in governance. For this process to be free, fair and credible, the state has to make laws that guide the conduct of elections. These laws provide the framework upon which political parties and other stakeholders are regulated and monitored. This implies that these laws cover pre-election, election and post-election activities of all stakeholders in the electoral business.In the case of Nigeria, the legal framework for the administration of elections is an aggregation of constitutional provisions, electoral acts and allied legislations. These legislations are usually unequivocal in policy directions and provide the basis upon which Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) and other stakeholders in the electoral process operate. These laws invest on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) the mandate to conduct elections and ensure in conjunction with other law enforcement agencies that the provisions of these laws are strictly adhered to by political parties, candidates and the electorate. Therefore, by this mandate INEC is empowered to issue guidelines, manuals, handbooks, codes of conducts where and when necessary, in discharge of its duties.In view of the above and in an effort to deepen democratic governance through competitive multiparty electoral politics, successive regimes, both military and civilian, had put in place several legislations which began with the introduction of Elective Principle in the 1922 Sir Hugh Clifford Constitution (Eko-Davis, 2011). Since then, constitutions and other legal enactments by colonial administrations provided the bases upon which elections were conducted including the 1959 independent election (Igini, 2015). While the 1963 election was organized using the Republican Constitution, decrees and other military directives were used to conduct the
SUMMARY
This briefing examines rentierism and security privatisation in the Nigerian petroleum industry. It demonstrates how the awarding of oil pipeline surveillance and protection contracts, with little attention to organisational capacity of applicant companies, resulted in widespread discontent among militias and groups not recognised or rewarded by a contract. These groups then intensified attacks on oil infrastructures in the post-amnesty era. The authors' findings endorse the government's 2015 decision to terminate the contracts, while they recommend transparent and democratic management of oil wealth as a long-term solution to human insecurity in the Niger Delta.
The article argues that cronyism in the funding of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) explains the dismal record of the recent power sector reforms in Nigeria. It implies that the reforms were packaged by the then PDP-led government to benefit their major campaign financiers with contracts; thus, within this period the party financiers were able to assume a commanding position in the sector. The article further contends that the funding regime in the party reinforces corruption as financiers leveraged on their contributions to the party to ensure that the reform processes and outcomes reflected their economic interests. The case exemplifies the crony relationship between the business and the political class (that ought to act as the regulatory body), which is skewed towards primitive accumulation.
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