Abstract. The present research examined the consequences of father abandonment for the reproductive strategies of girls from the Caribbean island of Curaçao. The sample consisted of 189 girls with an average age of 19.11 (SD = 2.97). Respondents were categorized in three groups, namely: 'early father absence' (abandoned between 0-5 years of age), 'late father absence' (abandoned between 6-13 years of age) and 'father presence' (father present during childhood). The results showed that compared to 'late father absence' girls and 'father presence' girls, 'early father absence' girls initiated sexual intercourse at a significant younger age. Moreover, they were less interested in getting married and in having grandchildren. These differences could not be explained by differences in educational level of the participants or occupational level of the father and the mother. There were no significant differences between the three groups in the age of menarche, the total number of sexual partners and the desire to have children. From an evolutionary life history perspective, we discuss possible explanations for, and implications of, these findings.

Perceptions and experiences with biological father absence might vary depending on the extent to which father absence constitutes a common family form, like it does in many Caribbean countries. The goal of this qualitative study was to better understand what it means to grow up without a father for Curaçaoan ( n = 19; 15–24 years), Curaçaoan-Dutch ( n = 15; 14–29 years), and Dutch ( n = 16; 16–26 years) young men and women. Findings from thematic analyses of ethically approved in-depth interviews revealed that most interviewees from all three cultural groups perceived no bond with and upbringing from their absent father. The interviewees noted emotional pain, but also mentioned that (m)others compensated for their father’s absence. Dutch interviewees were more negative about their absent father, and both Dutch and Curaçaoan-Dutch interviewees experienced more difficulties with respect to their father’s absence compared with Curaçaoan interviewees. Studying the similarities and differences between perceptions and experiences with father absence enriches our knowledge of what it means to grow up without a father. Doing so from young people’s point of view and across cultures has important practical value by providing a fuller understanding of the meaning of father absence for young people across cultures.

We examined the effects of culture and ethnicity on life history strategies in terms of sexual and reproductive behaviors. The sample included 500 adults, aged 25–50 years, from the five major ethnic groups in Suriname, i.e., the Maroons, Creoles, Hindustani, Javanese, and Mixed. First, there were strong gender differences: men reported to have had more sex partners and to have had their first sexual experience earlier than women, whereas women had their first child earlier and had more children than men. Second, in general, ethnicity affected life history substantially. The Maroons stood out by a relatively fast life history: they reported to have had more sexual partners, to have had their first sex and first child at an earlier age, and to have more children than all other groups. The Creoles were in general similar to the Maroons, whereas the Hindustani and the Javanese were characterized by a relatively slow life history: they reported to have had the lowest number of sexual partners, to have had their first sex and first child at the latest age, and to have had the lowest number of children. The differences between the ethnic groups were upheld when controlling for income, educational level, and father absence during childhood. A lower education was associated with reporting to have had one’s first sex as well as one’s first child at a younger age and children who grew up without a father reported to have had their first sex at a younger age.