No abstract

We did not find support for a visual vs. spatial dissociation in recognition memory. Performance impairment in the visual-spatial domain parallels the increase in working memory (WM) load or in the executive demands of the task. Possible neurobiological implications of the observed performance on the CANTAB tasks are also considered.

In this study, relations between emotional resonance responses to another's distress, emotion regulation, and self‐other discrimination were investigated in infants three‐, six‐, and nine‐months‐old. We measured the emotional reactions to the pain cry of a peer, along with the ability to regulate emotions and to discriminate between self and other body movements. We found evidence that infants do regulate their emotional resonance responses to another's distress. This relation is age specific, with younger infants using more primitive self‐soothing behaviors, while in older participants attentional based strategies relate to affect sharing reactions. Only nine‐month‐old infants have shown self‐other differentiation abilities, and these were significantly connected to their emotions in response to a peer's distress. These findings have implications for our understanding of early empathy development.

The present study examined the associations between attentional biases to threat, attentional control and anxiety in a sample of children aged 9 to 14. It was hypothesised that the association between attentional biases toward threat and anxiety might be stronger when the ability to control attention is reduced. The study employed pictures of neutral, happy and angry facial expressions as they have greater ecological value compared to words. Children completed a dot-probe task measuring attentional biases toward such stimuli. They also completed the Spence child anxiety scale for anxiety symptoms and, for attentional control, the child version of the attention control scale measuring the ability to focus and shift attention. Results of a hierarchical regression analysis showed that attentional control significantly explained anxiety. Furthermore, the interaction between attentional control and attentional biases significantly explained anxiety level. These results indicate that attentional control moderates the relation between attentional biases toward threatening facial expressions and anxiety in children. Additionally, a discussion about a possible protective role of attentional control is provided.

No abstract

The relationship between trait anxiety and memory functioning in young children was investigated. Two studies were conducted, using tasks tapping verbal and visual-spatial short-term memory (Study 1) and working memory (Study 2) in preschoolers. On the verbal storage tasks, there was a detrimental effect of anxiety on processing efficiency (duration of preparatory intervals) on Word Span. Performance effectiveness (memory span) did not differ between high-anxious and low-anxious children. In the second study, evaluating memory updating in a dual-task context, high-anxious children performed worse than low-anxious children on two verbal working memory tasks. Therefore, when simple verbal storage is required, high-anxious children show only efficiency deficits; when executive demands are higher (i.e., verbal updating) both accuracy and efficiency are impaired. However, on the visual-spatial storage and updating measures, performance did not differ between the two anxiety groups. The results are discussed in the context of the attentional control theory (Eysenck, Derakshan, Santos, & Calvo, 2007).

Gary and Ron are practicing soccer moves on the playground. They have all their equipment -goal, shinpads, and regulation ball -and they ' re having fun together. Ron shows Gary how to head the ball into the goal, both shouting, " Hurray! " But then things get complicated, changing fast, as interaction often does. Ron, thinking twice about sharing his best technique, kicks the ball away from Gary on the next play. Then Huynh, who had been watching from the sidelines, asks Gary if he can join them. Simultaneously, Gary trips over a swiftly kicked ball and slumps to the ground. And just then, Jack, the class bully, approaches, laughing at Gary ' s discomfort, then angrily demanding they leave so that he and his buddies can use the fi eld. Somehow, Gary deals with all of this. He hands the ball to Huynh, extends a hand to Ron, and calmly tells Jack, " It ' s our turn now. "What do emotions have to do with social development? Our example abounds with instances where emotions help determine the fl ow and outcome of interaction. First, behaviors of others in one ' s social group often constitute antecedent conditions for children ' s emotions. When Ron became angry, it was because his goal of being the " best " was threatened. Huynh approached diffi dently because he often had been " left out " from play. Second, when children exhibit emotion within dyads or groups, this emotional expressiveness also is important information for others involved. When Gary experienced delight at making a goal, he wanted to keep playing; others, like Huynh, wanted to join him. Jack is irritable and easily provoked by those he perceives to be " in his way. " His

No abstract