Banyak riset menemukan bahwa semakin sering edukasi pajak dilakukan suatu negara, semakin tinggi tingkat kepatuhan pajak di negara tersebut. Program Pajak Bertutur adalah bagian dari Inklusi Kesadaran Pajak. Dengan mengadaptasi konsep komunikasi strategis dari Argenti, dkk (2005), artikel ini difokuskan untuk mengevaluasi program Pajak Bertutur yang dikembangkan dan dijalankan oleh Direktorat Jenderal Pajak (DJP) sebagai strategi komunikasi untuk meningkatkan kesadaran inklusi pajak dan kepatuhan pembayaran pajak dan sejauh mana program tersebut dapat sebagai komunikasi strategis terbaik yang dilakukan oleh DJP untuk tujuan tersebut. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa program tersebut merupakan bentuk tindakan strategi komunikasi yang dilakukan oleh DJP untuk meningkatkan kesadaran inklusi pajak dan menyediakan literasi kesadaran pajak bagi para guru serta murid dari jenjang Sekolah Dasar hingga Perguruan Tinggi. Harapannya, DJP akan memperoleh kepatuhan pajak sukarela yang tinggi di masa depan. Penelitian ini juga mengindikasikan bahwa program tersebut dapat dikategorikan sebagai komunikasi strategis terbaik DJP untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut.
Adaptations of political actors and organizations in Asian democratic countries to the media and social media logics have been increasingly visible. This article is specified to answer the following questions of how Indonesian political parties’ leaders and presidential candidates after 2004 Indonesian presidential election adapted to the news and social media logics and what drove such adaptations. Focusing on such questions, this article adopts theoretical models of mediatisation of politics formulated by Mazzoleni and Schulz, Strömbäck and Stromback and Van Aelts and extracts in-depth interview data derived from six Indonesian political parties’ leaders, two political consultants and six senior journalists associated with Indonesian media using the qualitative content and thematic analyses. The findings are as follows. These political parties’ leaders and presidential candidates favoured adapting to the news and social media logics when they got to deal with political issues and affairs, formulate political policies and secure their personal images in Indonesian political sphere. Such development was driven by the following factors, including establishing democratic political and media systems, increasing the roles of the media as sources of political information, escalating freedoms of Indonesian media and journalists to manage the media logic. Theoretical implications are chronicled and research recommendations are displayed.
The Internet and social media have been increasingly adopted by political entities across the globe. The consequences of such adaptations on the Indonesia’s nation-state narrative and liberal democratic norms have been under-researched however. This article argues that in democratic countries, such adaptations are likely to pave the way for the emergences of disinformation order and social media algorithmic trap. Within the specific context of Indonesia’s democracy, these disinformation order and social media algorithmic trap are likely to polarize political spheres and jeopardize not merely Indonesia’s united nation-state narrative, but also Indonesia’s liberal democratic norms that evolved since the post-reform era. To evaluate such propositions, this article adopts a desk study and selects Jakarta’s 2017 Gubernatorial Election as a study case. Learning from these desk study and study case, this article proposes the following arguments. To manage the consequences of disinformation order and social media algorithmic trap on politics and democracy, we need formulate new political communication and policy research agenda based on the following dictum: who get lost by what/whom in which channel/medium and with what effects. Taking such effort may give us an opportunity to keep the current Indonesia’s united nation-state narrative prevailing and liberal democratic norms flourishing.
This article is directed to examine how did Indonesian people perceived Joko Widodo’s personal competence and leadership resiliency during the covid-19 pandemic era and the degree to which did political preference of these people on political party carry out effects on such perceptions. Focusing on these issues, this article adopts concepts of presidential leadership, personal competence, resilient leadership and political preference, collects the survei data derived from 1200 respondents using a multistage random sampling and extracts the survei data using descriptive and cross tabulation statistical analyses. The finding indicates that the Indonesian people’ perception of Joko Widodo’s personal competence and leadership resiliency to handle covid-19 pandemic-related problems varied. Most of them perceived that President Joko Widodo had personal competence and leadership resiliency to manage covid-19 pandemic. Polical preference of these people on political party are likely to determine these perceptions however. These evidences confirms that not merely a perception bias among these people regarding Joko Widodo’s personal competence and leadership resiliency to manage covid-19 pandemic-related problems keep evolving, but also political preference of these people on political party have been taking place as a determinant factor. This hints that a perception bias remained taking shape as influential factor that determines the development of Indonesian (electoral) politics.
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