Background Earth’s biocultural diversity comprising biological, cultural and linguistic diversities is being eroded quickly. Our ability to recognise and appreciate what is remaining is crucial for its survival. However, not all forms of diversity are appreciated equally and a growing trend in plant blindness indicates that humans ignore plants in the environment. In this context, open-air markets emerge as cultural spaces that bring people closer to each other, as well as with local biodiversity represented by fruits, vegetables and medicinal plants. Methods We conducted a cross-sectional survey with 160 people visiting Tamu Kianggeh of Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei Darussalam. We randomly interviewed every fifth adult visitor (> 18 years) leaving the market on Fridays and Sundays continuously for a month, using a structured questionnaire. The questionnaire had 18 questions related to demographic particulars, reasons for visiting the market, vendor preference, social networking and visits to open-air markets and supermarkets. Results and discussion People visit the market for the diversity of vegetables/fruits; local fruits and vegetables; socialising; cheap prices; ability to bargain; freshness of the products; convenience; medicinal plants; snacks; leisure etc. The ethnic diversity represented at the market comprised chiefly of Malay, Kedayan, Iban, Dusun, Tutong, Chinese communities and foreigners. Majority of the respondents chose ‘availability of a wide range of fruits and vegetables’ as the primary reason for the visit, followed by ‘availability of local fruits and vegetables’. Tamu Kianggeh sold larger number of fruits and vegetables (104 taxa, 26 natives, 2 endemics) compared to the nearest supermarket (85 taxa, 14 natives and 1 endemic). A significant number of respondents also reported that they had made friends at the market. Conclusion Tamu Kianggeh is a meeting ground for ethnic and biological diversities, a property that makes them important centres of biocultural diversity at the local level. Open-air markets such as Tamu Kianggeh bring people closer to a diverse range of vegetables and fruits. They also bring people closer to each other by serving as platforms for socialising. We propose that strategies developed to counter plant blindness should also consider the potential of open-air markets.

Brunei Darussalam is a country with a high consumption of cane sugar. White cane sugar owes its popularity to its ability to colonize our tastes. Despite the popularity of white cane sugar, food and drinks sweetened with gula anau, a sweetener obtained from the mangrove palm nipah (Nypa fruticans) are also prevalent in the popular Bruneian foodways. Gula anau is widely used in the Bruneian foodways to prepare traditional snacks, collectively known as kuih, and drinks. We explore the reasons for the continued co-existence of gula anau along with cane sugar in Bruneian foodways. Applying practice theory, we hypothesize that the practice of using gula anau in the popular Bruneian cuisine stems from the unique meanings and taste attributes attached by the tappers, cooks (kuih makers), and consumers. We conducted interviews with four tappers, five kuih makers, and five consumers to collect data. The results show that although gula anau is not produced within Brunei Darussalam anymore due to socio-economic changes, its production in the neighboring Malaysian state of Sarawak has ensured a continuous supply. The tappers and kuih makers appreciate the unique taste of gula anau in specific ways. However, the consumers are losing the ability to appreciate the unique taste. For the tappers, gula anau is still a famine food, true to its origins. For the kuih makers and the consumers, however, the meanings have reconfigured and gula anau is now a symbol of tradition and cultural heritage. These notions of tradition and cultural heritage explain the persistence of gula anau in the popular foodways of Brunei Darussalam.

A noteworthy feature of folk and codified traditional medicines is their ability to combine drug-based therapies with spiritual therapies. This unique combination differentiates them from the drug-based approach employed by modern biomedicine and renders them highly relevant to contemporary healthcare. Like folk medicine, traditional ecological calendars also embody the traditional knowledge held by local communities. However, the influence of ecological calendars on folk medicine has been largely underexplored; studies have mostly considered ecological calendars and folk medicine independent of each other. In this chapter, we provide an understanding of the traditional knowledge of the Kedayan community of Brunei Darussalam with specific reference to their folk medicine and their traditional ecological calendar. Data was collected through in-depth interviews that the first author held with sixteen knowledgeable elders from the Kedayan community of Brunei Darussalam between January 2018 and June 2018. The Kedayan classify causes of ailments broadly into two: ailments caused by factors of the unseen realm and factors of the seen realm. The former are treated by spiritual therapies and the latter using practices rooted in the humoral concept of well-being. The Kedayan traditional ecological calendar stipulates the right time for harvesting medicinal herbs and administering them. It links the potency of medicinal herbs to tidal cycles and also provides information on the seasonal occurrence of ailments. By focussing on the interface between the Kedayan folk medicine and the ecological calendar, the chapter draws attention to a hitherto underexplored area in folk medicine.

Background Local ecological calendars are ecocultural frameworks that link temporal and spatial scales, contributing to resilience and adaptive management of natural resources and landscapes. They also facilitate management, access and withdrawal of provisioning ecosystem services. In this article, we describe how the ecological calendar of the Kedayan people of Brunei Darussalam links skyscape and biodiversity with sociocultural aspirations to foster adaptive management of landscape, and provide an understanding of the transmission of calendric knowledge in the community. Methods In 2018, we collaborated with sixteen purposively sampled knowledge keepers from the Kedayan community of Brunei Darussalam to document the Kedayan local ecological calendar, and develop a calendrical pictogram. Using a structured questionnaire, we then interviewed 107 randomly selected community members, to understand the contemporary relevance and popularity of the Kedayan calendar, and the transmission of calendric knowledge in the community. Results Our findings reveal that very few respondents (n = 27, 25.3%) are aware of the existence of Kedayan ecological calendar; majority (n = 80, 74.7%) were not aware of its existence. There is no statistically significant correlation between consulting healers, knowledge on appropriate time requisite to consult healers, and awareness and self-professed knowledge of Kedayan calendar. Only 14 (13.1%) of the respondents reported to have received some form of calendric knowledge, while the majority (86.9%; n = 93) never received any calendric knowledge. Only a negligible 1.9% reported to have transmitted calendric knowledge to others indicating a breakdown in transmission of calendric knowledge. Conclusion The calendric pictogram would help the community in revitalizing their calendar. However, the community will have to invest on enhancing transmission of calendric knowledge.