Various authors have noted that interethnic group and intraethnic group racism are significant stressors for many African Americans. As such, intergroup and intragroup racism may play a role in the high rates of morbidity and mortality in this population. Yet, although scientific examinations of the effects of stress have proliferated, few researchers have explored the psychological, social, and physiological effects of perceived racism among African Americans. The purpose of this article was to outline a biopsychosocial model for perceived racism as a guide for future research. The first section of this article provides a brief overview of how racism has been conceptualized in the scientific literature. The second section reviews research exploring the existence of intergroup and intragroup racism. A contextual model for systematic studies of the biopsychosocial effects of perceived racism is then presented, along with recommendations for future research.

This article examines the extent to which racial differences in socio-economic status (SES), social class and acute and chronic indicators of perceived discrimination, as well as general measures of stress can account for black-white differences in self-reported measures of physical and mental health. The observed racial differences in health were markedly reduced when adjusted for education and especially income. However, both perceived discrimination and more traditional measures of stress are related to health and play an incremental role in accounting for differences between the races in health status. These findings underscore the need for research efforts to identify the complex ways in which economic and non-economic forms of discrimination relate to each other and combine with socio-economic position and other risk factors and resources to affect health.

Race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status (SES) are social categories that capture differential exposure to conditions of life that have health consequences. Race/ethnicity and SES are linked to each other, but race matters for health even after SES is considered. This commentary considers the complex ways in which race combines with SES to affect health. There is a need for greater attention to understanding how risks and resources in the social environment are systematically patterned by race, ethnicity and SES, and how they combine to influence cardiovascular disease and other health outcomes. Future research needs to examine how the levels, timing and accumulation of institutional and interpersonal racism combine with other toxic exposures, over the life-course, to influence the onset and course of illness. There is also an urgent need for research that seeks to build the science base that will identify the multilevel interventions that are likely to enhance the health of all, even while they improve the health of disadvantaged groups more rapidly than the rest of the population so that inequities in health can be reduced and ultimately eliminated. We also need sustained research attention to identifying how to build the political support to reduce the large shortfalls in health.

The association of socioeconomic status (SES) with morbidity and mortality is a ubiquitous finding in the health literature. One of the principal challenges for biobehavioral researchers is understanding the mechanisms that link SES with health outcomes. This article highlights possible pathways by which SES may influence health. It also provides a discussion of sociodemographic and geographical modifiers of the SES-health relationship and offers several potentially fruitful directions for future research.

Correlated Cook-Medley Hostility Scale (Ho) scores with sociodemographic variables in a national survey of 2,536 adults. Multiple regression models revealed that Ho scores were associated with race (p less than .0001), years of education (p less than .001), sex (p less than .001), occupation (p = .0002), and income (p = .0025). Higher scores were found in non-Whites, men, and those of lower socioeconomic status. There was a Race x Income interaction (p less than .005), such that the greatest Ho score differences between the races occurred among those with the lowest incomes. Age was related to Ho scores in a curvilinear fashion: higher scores in the youngest and oldest age groups than in the middle-aged groups (p = .025). Marital status was unrelated to Ho scores. These patterns of hostility are similar to the patterns of health indicators in the population. Because hostility has been found to be associated with adverse health outcomes, hostility may account for some of the demographic variations in health status. However, it is argued that research must first establish the generality of the hostility-health relationship across subgroups of the population.

Perceived racism and anger inhibition are independently related to higher ABP. Both may contribute to the incidence of hypertension and hypertensive-related diseases observed in African Americans.

Essential hypertension is perhaps the number-one health problem of Black Americans. Research has indicated that stress-induced cardiovascular hyperreactivity may be a significant contributor to essential hypertension. The high prevalence of hypertension among Blacks suggests that this group, in comparison with Whites, may be particularly susceptible to cardiovascular hyperreactivity. The first portion of this article reviews research to date that has examined racial differences in resting and stressor-induced cardiovascular activity. The second half of this article overviews some critical methodological and conceptual issues involved in the study of racial differences in reactivity. These issues include the effects of Black-White differences in plasma renin levels and sodium excretion, the effects of experimenter race, and differences in perceptions of the laboratory environment. Additionally, the issue of racial group classification and the implications this has for interpreting Black-White differences in reactivity is discussed. Two perspectives on racial group classification, the genetic and the sociocultural, are addressed in some detail, and the relevance of each to research on racial differences in stress reactivity is presented.

One of the principal goals of the Office of Behavioral and Social Sciences Research at the National Institutes of Health is to facilitate interdisciplinary research between social, behavioral, and biomedical scientists. The purpose of this paper is to provide a framework for such interdisciplinary health research. The essence of this framework is the concept of levels of analysis in the health sciences. These levels include the social/environment, behavioral/psychological, organ systems, cellular, and molecular. The interdependence of these five levels of analysis suggests that advances in the health sciences may be accelerated by a more integrated, multilevel approach to research. The principles of integrated, multilevel research are outlined, and examples of research that support this approach are presented. Finally, some of the activities of the Office of Behavioral and Social Sciences Research that will further interdisciplinary research across levels of analysis are summarized.