This article examines and analyses Japan's current interest in the South China Sea, by first alluding to the historical context of that country's involvement from the mid-1930s to the end of the Pacific War, 1945. It then outlines Japan's energy security needs and that country's national policy relating to securing safety for its flagged ships and those vessels assisting in promoting Japan's export and import and the diplomatic role that Japan plays towards regional stability. Japan in their Diplomatic Bluebook stated that the priorityforJapanis to guaranteethe securityandprosperity of the countryand its people. Here,it is clear thatthe Japanese Government will trytodo everything togive the besttoensure their survival. Japan's interest in South China Sea is because it is deemed critical for the Japanese security.
The issue of borders is a factor that can threaten the sovereignty of a country because it has an impact from traditional and non -traditional angles. This study is conducting to examine the impact of the relocation of the Indonesian capital on the security of East Malaysia. This is because the relocation plan involves a large and comprehensive development increase. The literature review of this study is divided into three, namely (1) The relocation of the Indonesian capital (Jakarta) to Kalimantan, (2) Security issues that exist between Malaysia-Indonesia due to the relocation of the Indonesian capital to the province of Kalimantan and (3) Security impact to Malaysia due to the relocation of the Indonesian capital to Kalimantan. The objectives of this study are to identify security threats that exist on the Sarawak-Kalimantan border, to study the impact of the Indonesian capital on national security in East Malaysia and to analyze the actions of the Malaysian government to improve security in East Malaysia. This study adopts a qualitative method in which part of the data is collected through secondary data obtained through a library study. These include scholarly books, journal articles, confidential reports released (public domain) as well as the security and defense policies of a government. While the primary data was obtained through face-to-face interviews with experts and officials directly involved in the topic of study from Malaysia and Indonesia. The conclusion of the survey is that there are traditional and non -traditional threats at the border. The relocation of the Indonesian capital has had a political, economic and security impact on East Malaysia. The Malaysian government is adding security personnel to be on alert along the border as well as establishing closer diplomatic relations with Indonesia.
China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative is a comprehensive economic interdependent relation which aims to increase regional connectivity and is an enhancement of its geopolitical interest for the benefits of herself, Asia, as well as in European states. Chinese and Myanmar government has invested a significant amount of investment in overcoming the energy technology deficiencies and cultivate the industry to a whole new level of self-reliance. Energy and manufacturing modernisation were made possible through constant cooperation between China and Myanmar. This paper is an attempt to analyze One Belt One Road Initiative and implication towards Myanmar. This paper h employed the qualitative method of analysis. The findings of this paper is Myanmar able to enhance its export earnings of the agriculture, fishery and aquaculture, increase countryside employment as well as reduce poverty. Seven advantages experienced by China and Myanmar through 21st MSR Initiative are (1) the modernisation of energy sector, (2) serve as a gateway between Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal, (3) employment opportunities for the local people, (4) increase in manufacturing industries, (5) transfer of technology involving all joint venture industries, (6) exploitation of land for infrastructure and industrial development projects and lastly (7) improved Myanmar financial institution. With all the advantages, Myanmar and China need to maintain a strong political commitment for 21st MSR Initiative long term sustainability. There are certain areas such as structural and organisational integration, project management and institutional problems that may act as barriers. As such, these barriers are to be continuously reviewed to ensure smooth decision-making process, regulation, the flow of financial and protect geopolitical rights in Myanmar concerning 21st MSR Initiative.
Revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979 bukan sahaja mengubah domestik dalaman Iran dari sebuah kerajaan monarki ke Republik Islam, malah turut mencorakkan landskap dan geopolitik Rantau Asia Barat. Hubungan diplomatik antara Iran dan Amerika sudah terbentuk sejak pertengahan abad ke-19 lagi namun perlahan-lahan hubungan Iran dan Amerika mengalami perkembangan dengan pelbagai isu yang menyebabkan berlakunya ketegangan antara kedua-dua buah negara sehingga kini. Walaupun banyak usaha dilakukan untuk memperbaiki hubungan dua hala namun banyak masalah yang menghalangnya lebih-lebih lagi dengan timbulnya banyak isu yang melibatkan kepentingan negara masing-masing. Kajian ini mempunyai dua objektif. Pertama, untuk mengkaji perkembangan dalam hubungan Iran- Amerika sejak perang dunia serta menganalisis isu-isu yang mempengaruhi hubungan Iran-Amerika Syarikat selepas era pasca Perang dingin. Kajian ini menggunakan sumber sekunder sepenuhnya. Dapatan kajian ini adalah 1). Revolusi Iran yang berlaku pada tahun 1979 menjelaskan bahawa perubahan politik negara tidak hanya mempengaruhi politik domestik, tetapi juga mampu mengubah landskap politik serantau. Kemunculan Amerika sebagai kuasa besar selepas Perang Dingin dilihat menjadi pencabar kepada Iran untuk menjadi kuasa besar di Asia Barat; 2). Program nuklear Iran menjadi sentimen terkuat yang digunakan Amerika dalam cubaan mereka untuk mengurangkan pengaruh Iran di Asia Barat.
We examine the latest proposals of new Malaysia's government to decriminalise drug addiction issues. From defence and security perspective, the authors cautioned Malaysia's hasty decision to decriminalise drug addicts when existing security measures to combat drug smuggling at the cross-border remained unresolved. In demonstrating the relations between illegal drug supplies in the Malaysian black market with the transnational drug syndicate, the authors focus historical existence of the Golden Triangle and the US’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) presence in the area during the Cold War. The CIA’s involvement in the drug triangle within complex nested security threats. It brought the Malaysian history of drugs and the introduction of capital punishment with the past relations of Malaya's communist insurgency with the northern Vietnam government and the Vietnam War. Given the current shift of the Southeast Asian tension involving the US-China power rivalry in the South China Sea, any current attempt to decriminalise dangerous addicted substances must take into past the historical geopolitical complexity of transnational and traditional security threats. Currently, the conceptualisation of drug addictions as national security threats relies upon existing capital punishment for drug abuse as a criminal offence. These offences relied heavily upon jurisprudence conceptualisation of addiction with possession of the abused substance. A proposal to decriminalise Malaysian addicts needs to understand the reliance of threats upon criminal offence concepts of the addictive substance. Thus, without criminological concepts of unlawful possession, legal loopholes cannot deter transnational security problems caused by drug traffickers and smugglers.
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