Women with high body dissatisfaction look less at their 'beautiful' body parts than their 'ugly' body parts. This study tested the robustness of this selective viewing pattern and examined the influence of positive body exposure on body-dissatisfied women's attention for 'ugly' and 'beautiful' body parts. In women with high body dissatisfaction (N = 28) and women with low body dissatisfaction (N = 14) eye-tracking was used to assess visual attention towards pictures of their own and other women's bodies. Participants with high body dissatisfaction were randomly assigned to 5 weeks positive body exposure (n = 15) or a no-treatment condition (n = 13). Attention bias was assessed again after 5 weeks. Body-dissatisfied women looked longer at 'ugly' than 'beautiful' body parts of themselves and others, while participants with low body dissatisfaction attended equally long to own/others' 'beautiful' and 'ugly' body parts. Although positive body exposure was very effective in improving participants' body satisfaction, it did not systematically change participants' viewing pattern. The tendency to preferentially allocate attention towards one's 'ugly' body parts seems a robust phenomenon in women with body dissatisfaction. Yet, modifying this selective viewing pattern seems not a prerequisite for successfully improving body satisfaction via positive body exposure.

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More than 80% of obese adolescents will become obese adults, and it is therefore important to enhance insight into characteristics that underlie the development and maintenance of overweight and obesity at a young age. The current study is the first to focus on attentional biases towards rewarding and punishing cues as potentially important factors. Participants were young adolescents (N = 607) who were followed from the age of 13 until the age of 19, and completed a motivational game indexing the attentional bias to general cues of reward and punishment. Additionally, self-reported reward and punishment sensitivity was measured. This study showed that attentional biases to cues that signal reward or punishment and self-reported reward and punishment sensitivity were not related to body mass index or the change in body mass index over six years in adolescents. Thus, attentional bias to cues of reward and cues of punishment, and self-reported reward and punishment sensitivity, do not seem to be crucial factors in the development and maintenance of overweight and obesity in adolescents. Exploratory analyses of the current study suggest that the amount of effort to gain reward and to avoid punishment may play a role in the development and maintenance of overweight and obesity. However, since the effort measure was a construct based on face validity and has not been properly validated, more studies are necessary before firm conclusions can be drawn.

Cognitive models emphasise the importance of attentional bias in addiction. However, many attentional bias tasks have been criticised for questionable psychometric properties and inability to differentiate between engagement and disengagement processes. This study therefore examined the suitability of two alternative tasks for assessing attentional bias within the context of alcohol use. Participants were undergraduate students (N = 169) who completed the Visual Search Task and Odd-One-Out Task, the latter of which is designed to differentiate between engagement and disengagement processes of attention, at baseline and one week later. Participants also completed baseline measures of alcohol consumption, craving, and alcohol use problems. Internal consistency was adequate for the Visual Search Task index, and weak for the Odd-One-Out Task indices. Test-retest reliability was weak for both tasks. The Visual Search Task index and the disengagement (but not the engagement) index of the Odd-One-Out Task showed a positive association with alcohol consumption. This study was restricted to a non-clinical student sample. The relatively high error rate of the Odd-One-Out Task might have reduced its sensitivity as an index of attentional bias. Both tasks showed some merit as attentional bias measures, and results suggested that attentional disengagement might be particularly related to alcohol use. However, the reliability of the current measures was inadequate. One potential explanation for the low reliability is that non-clinical samples may have weak and unstable attentional biases to alcohol. Future efforts should be made to improve the psychometric qualities of both tasks and to administer them in a clinical sample.

This study examined whether adolescents with anorexia nervosa (AN) are more sensitive to punishment and less sensitive to reward than a non-eating disorder comparison group. Both self-report and performance measures were used to index reward and punishment sensitivity. Participants were adolescents with AN (n = 69) and an individually matched comparison group with healthy weight (n = 69). They completed the Behavioral Inhibition Scale/Behavioral Activation Scale and the Sensitivity to Punishment and Sensitivity to Reward Questionnaire to index self-reported reward and punishment sensitivity, and performed the Spatial Orientation Task to index attention to cues signaling reward and punishment. There was extremely strong evidence (BF 10 > 100), that adolescents with AN reported higher sensitivity to punishment than adolescents without an eating disorder. However, adolescents with AN did not differ from the comparison group on self-reported reward sensitivity, and attention to cues signaling reward or punishment. Adolescents with AN clearly show heightened punishment sensitivity, yet this was not paralleled by a heightened proneness to detect signals of punishment. An important next step would be to examine whether punishment sensitivity is a reliable risk factor for the development or maintenance of AN.