This paper highlighted the use of cyberspace as a conflict zone by the US and China, focusing on competition in various technological spheres, including cyberespionage, military technology, and Artificial Intelligence (AI). The main purpose of this study was to depict how great powers manipulate the cyber domain for their high political objectives through US-China rivalry. The research has been carried out mainly via literature review, discourse analysis, and relevant statistics. Consistent with previous literature and global public perception, the outcome has shown that both states are using cyberspace as a new domain for completion in trade, technology, and military purposes. Cyberespionage, the militarization of cyberspace, and AI have been the main conflict areas between these two global competitors in the last decade.
The threat of malicious actors is a growing fear among all cyberspace stakeholders, particularly states, who are primarily responsible for national security, including the protection of critical infrastructure. Taking into consideration the major cyberattacks of the last three decades and their impacts on international society, a comprehensive strategy is needed to defend cyberspace against malware and to provide a safe and free cyber ecosystem. Türkiye, like many countries, has developed cyber strategies to respond to such threats in the last decade. This paper addresses a set of interrelated cybersecurity issues; central among them is the question, “Is Türkiye’s cybersecurity strategy properly devised to cope with the new security environment in the anarchic world of cyberspace?” Türkiye’s national cybersecurity strategy has undergone several changes since 2013, each representing an attempt to address the evolving cybersecurity landscape. These strategies have been successful in some areas, such as Türkiye’s legal, capacity-building, and organizational structure, but have been less successful in terms of technical measures. This article applies a macro-analysis framework that encompasses both quantitative and qualitative research to analyze Türkiye’s cybersecurity strategies in theory and practice. The findings of this analysis suggest that Türkiye is still vulnerable to a possible major cyber-attack.
Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as “strategic partners.” However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners.
Niewiele się zmieniło od czasu, gdy Stanley Hoffman ogłosił, że stosunki międzynarodowe (IR) są amerykańską nauką społeczną, a John Hobson podkreślił „brak bezwartościowych i uniwersalistycznych teorii relacji międzypaństwowych.” W szczególności od 1970 r., wraz z końcem zimnej wojny oraz rozwojem technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych (ICT), dyscyplina IR stanęła przed poważnymi wyzwaniami w stosunku do swoich podstawowych ram koncepcyjnych i teoretycznych. Pomimo szeregu zmian systemowych i pojawienia się nowego środowiska w stosunkach międzynarodowych, dziedzina ta nadal jest silnie uzależniona od starych, nieodpowiednich i/lub obciążonych wartością koncepcji z początku XX wieku. Co więcej, dyscyplina została przeciążona przez zestaw eurocentrycznych i etnocentrycznych koncepcji, które prowadzą studentów IR do kwestionowania jej międzynarodowego charakteru. Można dyskutować, czy wynika to z niekompetencji czy niewłaściwego używania języka. Artykuł ten ma na celu konstruktywną dekonstrukcję głównych i hegemonicznych koncepcji w IR. W pracy wykorzystano jakościową metodę analizy dyskursu, aby ponownie zbadać związek między użyciem języka i kontekstu, często uważaną za pewnik, co ogranicza rozumienie pojęć stosowanych w dyscyplinie IR w celu promowania innowacji i postępu w tej dziedzinie.
Eğitim hakkı hem ulusal hem de uluslararası düzeyde son yıllarda ana günden konularından birisi olmayı başardı. Uluslararası insan hakları belgeleri, eğitimi temel bir insan hakkı olarak tanımlarken, verilecek eğitimin de insan hakları ilke ve prensiplerine uygun olması gerektiğini belirtmektedirler. Fakat yükseköğretimin evrensel bir insan hakkı olup olmadığı konusunda literatürde derin görüş ayrılıkları var. Kimisi yükseköğretimi bir insan hakkı olarak tanımlarken, başkası bunun tartışmalı olduğunu ileri sürebilmektedir. Söz konusu tartışma sadece eğitim hakkın tanımı ile sınırlı olmayıp doğası, kapsamı ve niteliğiyle de ilgilidir. Bu çalışma yükseköğretim ve insan hakları bağlamında birkaç temel soruya cevap aramaya çalışmaktadır: Yükseköğretim evrensel bir insan hakkı mıdır? Hak-temelli bir yükseköğretim nasıl olmalıdır? Üniversitede akademik özgürlük ve kurumsal özerklik bu tartışmanın neresinde yer almaktadır? Bu çalışmanın ulaştığı veriler dikkate alındığında, akademik özgürlüğün üniversitelerde önemsendiği fakat yeterince tartışılmadığı, çalışılmadığı ve öncelenmediği açıkça görülecektir. Bu kısa çalışma, söz konusu sorunların aşılması için bir takım öneriler sunmaktadır.
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