Objectives
We examined the associations of intimate partner violence (IPV) and maternal risk factors with maternal child maltreatment risk within a diverse sample of mothers.
Methods
We derived the study sample (N=2508) from the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study. We conducted regression analyses to examine associations between IPV, parenting stress, major depression, key covariates, and 4 proxy variables for maternal child maltreatment.
Results
Mothers reported an average of 25 acts of psychological aggression and 17 acts of physical aggression against their 3-year-old children in the year before the study, 11% reported some act of neglect toward their children during the same period, and55% had spankedtheir childrenduringthe previousmonth. About 40% of mothers had experienced IPV by their current partner. IPV and maternal parenting stress were both consistent risk factors for all 4 maltreatment proxy variables. Although foreign-born mothers reported fewer incidents of child maltreatment, the IPV relative risk for child maltreatment was greater for foreign-born than for US-born mothers.
Conclusions
Further integration of IPV and child maltreatment prevention and intervention efforts is warranted; such efforts must carefully balance the needs of adult and child victims.
Such findings suggest that targeting parents' sense of control and stress in relation to their immediate social environment holds particular potential to reduce physical child abuse and neglect risk. Addressing parents' perceptions of their neighborhood challenges may serve to reduce parenting risk via improving parents' felt control and stress.
Despite overrepresentation of fathers as perpetrators in cases of severe physical child abuse and neglect, the role they play in shaping risk for physical child abuse and neglect is not yet well understood. This article reviews the possible father pathways that may contribute to physical child abuse and neglect risk and their existing empirical support. The present empirical base implicates a set of sociodemographic factors in physical maltreatment risk, including fathers' absence, age, employment status, and income they provide to the family. As well, paternal psychosocial factors implicated in physical child maltreatment risk include fathers' abuse of substances, their own childhood experiences of maltreatment, the nature of fathers' relationships with mothers, and the direct care they provide to the child. However, the empirical base presently suffers from significant methodological limitations, preventing more definitive identification of risk factors or causal processes. Given this, the present article offers questions and recommendations for future research and prevention.
South Korea has had remarkably high incidence and prevalence rates of physical violence against children, yet the problem has received only limited public and professional attention until very recently. This article represents the first attempt in English to systematically analyze South Korea's recent epidemiological studies on child maltreatment. Discussed are sociocultural factors that have contributed both to delays in child protection laws and a low public awareness of the problem of child abuse. The article highlights methodological issues concerning the definition of physical abuse in South Korea and the complex attitudes toward violence. It also examines the role of the Korean women's movement in the reform of family laws and the recent establishment of new child protection legislation. Suggestions for future directions for the problem of child maltreatment within South Korea are presented.
Objective
To examine associations between maternal and paternal use of corporal
punishment (CP) for 3-year old children and intimate partner aggression or
violence (IPAV) in a population-based sample.
Methods
The study sample (n = 1997) was derived from wave 3 of the
Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study. Mother and father reports
regarding their use of CP and their IPAV victimization were analyzed. IPAV
included coercion, non-physical and physical aggression.
Results
About 65% of the children were spanked at least once in the
prior month by one or both parents. Of those couples that reported any
family aggression (87%), 54% reported that both CP and IPAV
occurred. The most prevalent patterns of co-occurrence involved both parents
as aggressors either toward each other (i.e., bilateral IPAV) or toward the
child. The presence of bilateral IPAV essentially doubled the odds that one
or both parents would use CP, even after controlling for potential
confounders such as parenting stress, depression, and alcohol or other drug
use. Of the five patterns of co-occurring family aggression assessed, the
“single aggressor” model, in which only one parent aggressed
in the family, received the least amount of empirical support.
Conclusions
Despite American Academy of Pediatrics’ recommendations
against the use of CP, CP use remains common in the U.S. CP prevention and
intervention efforts should carefully consider assumptions made about
patterns of co-occurring aggression in families, given that adult victims of
IPAV, including even minor, non-physical aggression between parents, have
increased odds of using CP with their children.
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