This article explores the notion of digital non-participation as a form of mediated political action rather than as mere passivity. We generally conceive of participation in a positive sense, as a means for empowerment and a condition for democracy. However, participation is not the only way to achieve political goals in the digital sphere and can be hampered by the 'dark sides' of participatory media, such as surveillance or disempowering forms of interaction. In fact, practices aimed at abandoning or blocking participatory platforms can be seen as politically significant and relevant. We propose here to conceptualize these activities by developing a framework that includes both participation and non-participation. Focusing on the political dimensions of digital practices, we draw four categories: active participation, passive participation, active non-participation, and passive non-participation. This is not intended as a conclusive classification, but rather as a conceptual tool to understand the relational nature of participation and non-participation through digital media. The evolution of the technologies and practices that compose the digital sphere forces us to reconsider the concept of political participation itself.
Since the 1980s, digital materialism has received increasing interest in the field of media studies. Materialism as a theoretical paradigm assumes that all things in the world are tied to physical processes and matter. Yet within digital media studies, the understanding of what should be the core object of a materialist analysis is debated. This paper proposes to untangle some of the principal theoretical propositions that compose the field of digital materialism. It outlines six frameworks that share the assumption that digital stuff is composed of material entities: the Berlin School of media, the field of software studies, the literary critique of electronic texts, the forensic approach, the 'new materialist' media ecology, and the field of Marxian critical studies. These different options are positioned along three main lines of tensions: between a semantic and an engineer's perspective on media, between technological and social determinism, and between critical or post-humanist political propositions.
The tangible development of tools and platforms that meet demonstrated needs (i.e., better support for scholarly inquiry); A better understanding of the processes by which scholars, curators, and others work with these materials, providing a reference workflow with which to evaluate future research tools; The building of a community, in part supported by the continued use of datathon communication channels and standing infrastructure, as well as encouragement to attend follow-up events. We've now run SEVEN datathons! (exhausting but fun) So why datathons?
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On November 17, 2015, the newly elected Canadian government led by Justin Trudeau made an announcement that became a turning point in the heated debate around the plan to build the Memorial to the Victims of Communism in Ottawa. The government’s decision to scale the project down was massively republished and generated a heavy stream of 2,055 publications and interactions. The virality of such phenomena is sometimes described in the literature as an “information cascade” characterized by a complex and expanding series of media content that is republished, shared, and commented upon in digital public spheres, reaching a growing number of people. Our research aim is twofold. From a theoretical point of view, we combine Entman’s cascade model with the perspective of platform studies. From an empirical point of view, we put this model to the test through a case study of the cascading data flows that emerged during this public debate. We found three key factors that constituted and shaped this information cascade: 1) the economic structure of the Canadian media market, and especially the concentration of media ownership, which is notably high in the Canadian media ecosystem; 2) data-exchange mechanisms and algorithmic filtering that drive the process of news aggregation, quickly spreading media content without being a significant source of user engagement; 3) grassroots engagement in diasporic media, which activates micro public spheres around nested interests and political standpoints regarding the public issue.
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