dress this critical situation and to reduce the spread of the infections, the Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte signed a series of decrees that imposed restrictions on the movement of individuals in the entire national territory from March 10 until May 3 (but these measures are likely to be extended). People are allowed to leave their homes for limited and documented purposes (e.g., shopping for basic necessities and to go to work [if this cannot be done from home]). Several activities have been temporarily closed, including schools, universities and shops selling non-essential goods. Although these measures and efforts are necessary for reducing pressure on Italian healthcare systems, there are reasons to be concerned because prolonged home confinement during a disease outbreak may affect people's physical and mental health (Wang et al., 2020; World Health Organization, 2020). Home confinement can reduce the level of physical activity and the exposure to daylight, and increase the level of stress due to social isolation (e.g., avoid social contact with family and friends) and the impossibility to engage in satisfying activity. These changes can impact the pace of the flow of time (Zakay, 2014), disrupt night-time sleep (Altena

Previous research has shown inconsistent time trends in adolescent mental well-being, but potential underlying mechanisms for such trends are yet to be examined. This study investigates cross-national time trends in adolescent mental well-being (psychosomatic health complaints and life satisfaction) in mainly European countries and the extent to which time trends in schoolwork pressure explain these trends. Methods: Data from 915,054 adolescents from 36 countries (50.8% girls; mean age ¼ 13.54; standard deviation age ¼ 1.63) across five Health Behaviour in School-aged Children surveys (2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, and 2018) were included in the analyses. Hierarchical multilevel models estimated cross-national trends in adolescent mental well-being and schoolwork pressure. We also tested whether schoolwork pressure could explain these trends in mental well-being. Results: A small linear increase over time in psychosomatic complaints and schoolwork pressure was found. No change in life satisfaction emerged. Furthermore, there was large cross-country variation in the prevalence of, and trends over time in, adolescent mental well-being and IMPLICATIONS AND CONTRIBUTION

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Italy is one of the major COVID-19 hotspots. To reduce the spread of the infections and the pressure on Italian healthcare systems, since March 10th 2020, Italy is under a total lockdown, with restrictions on the movement of individuals in the entire nation, forcing people to home confinement. Here we present data from 1310 people living in the Italian territory (Mage= 23.91±3.60 years, 880 females, 501 workers, 809 University students), who completed an online survey from March 24th to March 28th 2020. In the survey, we asked participants to think about their use of digital media before going to bed, their sleep pattern, and their subjective experience of time in the previous week (17th-23rd of March, which was the second week of the lockdown) and to the first week of February (3rd-10th, before any restriction in any Italian area). During the lockdown, people increased the usage of digital media near bedtime, but this change did not affect sleep habits. Nevertheless, during home confinement sleep timing markedly changed, with people going to bed and waking up later, spending more time in bed but, paradoxically, also reporting a lower sleep quality. The increase in sleep difficulties was stronger for people with a higher level of depression, anxiety, and stress symptomatology, and was associated with the feeling of time dilatation. Considering that the lockdown is likely to continue for weeks, research data are urgently needed to support decision-making, to build public awareness, and to provide timely and supportive psychosocial interventions.

ObjectivesTo examine whether the “prevention paradox” applies to British individuals in relation to gambling-related harm.MethodsData were derived from 7,756 individuals participating in the British Gambling Prevalence Survey 2010, a comprehensive interview-based survey conducted in Great Britain between November 2009 and May 2010. Gambling-related harm was assessed using an adapted version of the DSM-IV Pathological Gambling criteria. The previous year’s prevalence of problem gamblers was examined using the Problem Gambling Severity Index. Gambling involvement was measured by gambling frequency and gambling participation (gambling volume as expressed by time and money spent gambling).ResultsThe prevalence rates for past-year gambling harms were dependence harm (16.4%), social harm (2.2%), and chasing losses (7.9%). Gambling-related harms were distributed across low- to moderate-risk gamblers (and not limited to just problem gamblers) and were reported by the majority of gamblers who were non-high time and spend regular gamblers than high time and spend regular gamblers.ConclusionsThe prevention paradox is a promising way of examining gambling-related harm. This suggests that prevention of gambling might need to consider the population approach to minimizing gambling harm.