The article shows the results of a study aimed at finding the determinants, which describe the petitioning activity of the residents of the western and eastern parts of Germany. The research material consists of 1,036 petitions from the German-language segment of Change.org during the period of 2012–2018 (322 petitions from eastern part of Germany, 714 petitions from western part of Germany). A thematic classifier based on the analysis of electronic petitions was created. It subdivided all the petitions into 18 thematic groups, for example, human rights, animal protection, culture, politics, migration issues, proposals for reforming certain areas of life, transport system, Internet, protection and support for people with disabilities and rare diseases, financial questions, environmental protection, housing issues, weapons/spirits/tobacco/drugs, healthcare, elderly people, education, sports, sustainable development. Statistically significant differences between western and eastern territories were found only in the animal protection thematic group. It is stated that the bipolar construct East/West rooted in the historical logic of the legacy of socialism and capitalism on the German territories could not explain the logic of the petitioning activity of the contemporary Germans. Moreover, the historical heritage/separation factor is found in the socio-economic problems of the regions, but it is not critical while determining the values and civic activism of German people.
In this article the features of social-relationship systems are analyzed based on the data from a sociopsychological empirical study conducted in two stages (2002 and 2014) on a large sample with the help of g. Kelly's Repertory grid Technique. A. V. Petrovsky's three-factor interpersonal-relationships model as interpreted for closed groups by M. Yu. Kondratev and the concept of the closed society as described by Karl Popper provide the foundation for the theoretical hypothesis we tested. The empirical data obtained in 2002 came from 391 participants of different ages who were living in provincial towns in the Nizhny Novgorod region. The elderly respondents (232 people) had lived almost all their lives under the Soviet regime; the middle-aged respondents (159 people) got their education and started their careers in the USSR. Soviet society is considered to be closed because of its authoritarian and collectivist nature, static social structure, and dogmatic ideology. It is argued that both closed societies and closed groups are characterized by a rigid hierarchical social structure, isolation from other systems, and depersonalization of social relations. We have proved that members of a closed group and citizens of a closed society have similar social-relationship matrices.
The paper traces the logic of research into the phenomenon of “closedness” from a small group to a “closed society”. The works of Mikhail Kondratyev dedicated to closed groups are reviewed in the context of research on orphanages and as crucial in defining the psychological content of the very phenomenon of “social closedness”. As an example of how M. Kondratyev’s key ideas on closed groups may be applied, the paper presents an empirical research on the “closed society”. It is argued that all basic social psychological patterns discovered by M. Kondratyev in small closed groups are completely relevant to the ones found in the big closed group — the “closed society”.
Надежда Константиновна Радина – д. п.н., профессор, департамент социальных наук, Национальный исследовательский университета Высшая школа экономики, Нижний Новгород, Россия. Электронная почта: nradina@hse.ru В статье анализируется изменение фреймирования семейных отношений в текстах независимых СМИ до и после «пронаталистского поворота» семейной политики в 2006 г. Автор опирается на модель Пирса Робинсона, согласно которой только в ситуации политической неопределенности СМИ предлагают различные позиции и критику. Проблематизируется способность массмедиа выстраивать не только стратегии подчинения политической власти, но и стратегии сопротивления, особенно в случаях, когда СМИ позиционируют себя как независимого агента политического влияния. В качестве инструмента сбора эмпирических данных используется культуромика – метод исследования культурных и социальных процессов с помощью статистического анализа употребления слов и словосочетаний в значительных текстовых массивах. На основе статистического анализа употребления слов в изучаемых массмедиа выделяется фрейм-структура «семья», типичная для определенного периода. На основе статистического анализа употребления словосочетаний анализируется содержание статей, описывающих семейные отношения в СМИ. Материалом исследования выступили архивы «Газета.Ru», «Коммерсантъ», «РБК», «Новой газеты» за 16 лет (2000–2015 г.). Согласно результатам исследования, изучаемые СМИ практически не используют стратегии сопротивления. Так, «Газета.Ru» включается в пронаталистский дискурс, используя практики рефрейминга, формулирует иную точку зрения на ряд аспектов государственной семейной политики. «РБК», практикуя стратегию развлечения, поддерживает государственный пронатализм. «Коммерсантъ» одновременно игнорирует «пронаталистский поворот» и использует рефрейминг традиционной семейной тематики. «Новая газета» игнорирует «пронаталистский поворот». Выдвигается предположение, что политические элиты в России не рассматривают семейную политику как пространство реализации политических интересов. Критика «пронаталистского поворота», разделяемая исследователями, не поддерживается российской политической элитой.
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