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This article considers religious, social, political, and economic dimensions of the Saudi-Wahhabi state imagination. Since the inception, the Saudi state has relied on two main pillars: the monarchy and Wahhabism, which have been in a symbiotic relationship. In time, the state imagination in Saudi Arabia has been determined and reconstructed by factors like Wahhabism, monarchism, rentierism, internal and international political and economic obligations, and modernization efforts imposed by being a “nation state.” Those factors made Saudi Arabia a sui generis state. The legitimacy of the monarchy has been ensured through tribalism and, on a larger scale, religion. Foreign aid, booties, oil revenues, and, on a rather insignificant scale, tax revenues have created a material infrastructure to build citizenship.

The issue of the Kuriles can be seen as a result of World War II and a reflection of the Cold War era. Although 73 years have passed since the end of World War II, no peace treaty between Japan and USSR/Russian Federation has been signed because both parties claim sovereignty on the Northern Territories/South Kuriles. The islands had been controlled by Japan until the World War II. Since then, they have been under Russian Federation control. The Kuril Islands, being resource-rich and strategically important, have evolved from an ordinary territorial issue between the two countries to an instrument of geopolitical settlement and vantage point for great powers. The islands form the Eastern borders of Russian Federation and provide the access of the Pacific Fleet, the second largest fleet of Russian Federation, to the Pacific Ocean. On the other hand, if the Kuril Islands come under Tokyo's rule, it will allow the United States, Japan's biggest ally, to maintain its military superiority over the Russian Federation. This article examines the issue of the Kuril Islands as a point of great power conflict, on which the Russia's New Eurasianism and the western containment theories intersects and its potential to affect the regional and global balance of power. The article examines the issue in terms of international law, current geopolitical objectives of the related actors and the roles of the US and the PRC.

ÖzetKörfezin iki yakasındaki ülkelerin ticari, siyasi ve askeri çıkarları bü-yük ölçüde örtüşmektedir. Körfez ülkeleri ve İran petrol ve doğal rezervleri bakımından dünyanın en önemli ülkeleridir. Bu ülkelerin insan kaynakları ve jeopolitik konumları da iş birliğini teşvik eden unsurlar olarak değer-lendirilebilir. Ne var ki, İran -Suudi Arabistan İlişkileri genel hatları ile küresel ve bölgesel güç dengesi hesapları ile iç politik faktörlerin etkileşi-mi çerçevesinde belirlenmektedir. Etnik ve mezhepsel kimlikler ise gerek iç politikada gerekse dış politikada çoğu zaman bir araç, bazen de bir amaç işlevi görmektedir. Sonuçta İran -Suudi Arabistan ilişkilerinde iki taraf küresel güç dengelerinin aynı tarafında bulundukları dönemlerde ya da dış faktörlerin etkisi azalıp bölge kendi içinde devinir hale geldiğinde iş birliği ortamı, farklı kutuplarda yer aldıklarında ya da dış faktörlerin etkisi arttı-ğında ise çatışma söylemi ve ortamı ön plana çıkmaktadır.Anahtar kelimeler: Basra Körfezi, Jeopolitik, Güç Dengesi, Enerji Güvenliği Iran-Saudi Arabia Relations, 1932-2014 AbstractIn terms of the proved oil and natural gas reserves, commercial, military and political interests of the Gulf littoral countries largely overlap in the region. This necessity provides an important ground for a reasonable cooperation to reach secure energy markets for exportation. Both countries have right to control Gulf transportation and need to security of Hurmuz Strait encouraging cooperation. In so doing, Iran -Saudi Arabia relation is generally determined by interactions capacity between global and regional power balance calculations and internal political factors. Ethnic and sectarian identities, on the other hand, occasionally play essential role for final purpose but generally serves as tools of internal and foreign policies. As a result, Saudi Arabia -Iran relations characterize friendly when both capitals are on the same side of the global balance of power, or cooperative feature when the region begin to move in itself according to the original * Yrd. Doç. Dr. İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi 84Income Inequality And Innovativeness: An Application For European Countries dynamics of the region. On the other hand, when they are located in different poles of the global equation or when an increase in the influence of external factors is observed, a discourse and an environment of conflict comes to the fore.

Türkiye ve Suudi Arabistan ilişkileri küresel ve bölgesel jeopolitik, siyasi ve ekonomik tamamlayıcılık gibi faktörlerden etkilenmiştir. Bu makale 1929 -2015 arası dönemde Türkiye -Suudi Arabistan ilişkilerini stratejik çıkarlar, ekonomik karşılıklı bağımlılığın ve düşüncelerin uluslararası ilişkiler üzerindeki etkileri bağlamında incelemektedir.