Previous research has addressed the motivations of domestic violence victims to contact police and police responses to domestic violence calls. In a study of 498 women who entered a battered women's shelter, a questionnaire was used to elicit types of abuse they experienced, police contact, and police-victim interactions. Approximately 58% of victims called the police in response to physical, emotional, and other forms of domestic abuse; however, less than one fourth of the batterers were arrested. Batterers who physically abused their victims or used other forms of abuse such as sexual abuse or stalking were more frequently arrested compared to those batterers who used emotional abuse. The women arrested for domestic violence felt that they had acted in self-defense. These results suggest that the police response to domestic violence is variable and the majority of batterers, regardless of type of abuse, may not be receiving any legal or therapeutic intervention.
Background
This study examined the feasibility and efficacy of Salud Es Vida – a promotora-led, Spanish-language educational group session on cervical cancer screening (Pap tests), self-efficacy (belief in ability to schedule and complete a Pap test), and knowledge among immigrant Hispanic/Latina women from farmworker backgrounds. These women are disproportionately burdened with cervical cancer, with mortality rates significantly higher than non-Hispanic whites.
Methods
The two-arm, quasi-experimental study was conducted in four rural counties of Southeast Georgia in 2014–15. Hispanic/Latina immigrant women aged 21–65 years and overdue for a Pap test were included as intervention (N = 38) and control (N=52) group participants. The intervention was developed in partnership with a group of promotoras to create the toolkit of materials which includes a curriculum guide, a brochure, a flipchart, a short animated video, and in-class activities.
Results
Twelve (32%) intervention group participants received the Pap test compared to 10 (19%) control group participants (p = .178). The intervention group scored significantly higher on both cervical cancer knowledge recall and retention than the control group (p < .001). While there was no statistically significant difference in cervical cancer screening self-efficacy scores between the group participants, both groups scored higher at follow-up, adjusting for the baseline scores.
Conclusion
The group intervention approach was associated with increased cervical cancer knowledge, but not uptake of Pap test. More intensive interventions using patient navigation approaches or promotoras who actively follow participants or conducting one-on-one rather than group sessions may be needed to achieve improved screening outcomes with this population.
This article describes how a culturally sensitive masculinity scale was developed for Black men using qualitative data. Data came from in-depth interviews (N = 13) and focus groups (n = 4) with 46 undergraduate Black males at two universities (Historically Black College and University and Predominately White Institution) in the Southeastern United States. The resulting Masculinity Inventory Scale (MIS) items were developed using direct quotes from the data. The scale was completed by 164 participants as one part of a self-administered survey. Factor analysis showed that five subscales of masculinity exist for Black men: Mainstream society, Black masculinity, Primary group, Mainstream society/Black masculinity, and Primary/peer group. Implications for future research in the area of masculinity and Black men are discussed.
This study reports findings on views of masculinity with undergraduate Black men, which included interviews and focus groups (N = 46) with participants ranging in age from 18 to 22 years. Specifically, this study explored how Black men define being a man and being a Black man. Undergraduate Black males at a historically Black college and university (N = 25) and a predominately White institution (N = 21) in the Southeastern United States were recruited to participate in this study. Through the use of thematic analysis, findings indicated that three levels of masculinity exist for Black men: what it means to be a man, what it means to be a Black man, and who influences male development. Implications and recommendations for future research and practice are discussed.
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