This article examines reasons for the ineffectiveness of foreign aid interventions in developing countries, using the examples of Yemen, Egypt and Jordan. It starts with a review of two contradictory theories used to explain foreign aid ineffectiveness: the public interest perspective (PIP) and the public choice perspective (PCP). On the basis of the PCP, this article shows that deficiencies are locked within a vicious circle of a poor policy and institutional environments in developing countries and donors' self-interest. The article ends by proposing a third explanation of foreign aid ineffectiveness that goes beyond the scope of the PCP.
Although important roles in peacebuilding are attributed to civil society (CS), few studies have so far analysed how CS actors fare amid ongoing war. Our empirical analysis of CS organisations in Yemen shows that their potential for peacebuilding is severely restrained not only by the security situation but also by political capture, corruption, and problems associated with foreign support. Our findings have implications for theories on CS and peacebuilding, which need to be adapted to messy realities in which boundaries between the state and non-state, civil and uncivil, and domestic and international domains are blurred. They also offer food for thought to peacebuilding donors, whose funds have inadvertently become encapsulated into a highly problematic political dynamic. However, the study shows that not all types of organisations are equally affected by political capture. Grassroots and new activist organisations, it argues, deserve more academic and policy attention as ways out of the Yemeni quagmire are sought.
The collapse of public services in Yemen due to a protracted crisis raging since 2015 has compelled some local citizen-based coalitions to initiate community-based service delivery. This preliminary study identifies Community-Based Initiatives (CBIs) as non-state actors supplying basic services ordinarily provided by governmental institutions. It offers an overview of Yemen’s humanitarian crisis while focusing on public services provision pre- and mid-conflict and highlights the role of CBIs as a response to its breakdown within a severely fragile context. As this work considers CBI a societal constituent and not simply a temporary phenomenon, it discusses the general trends of Civil Society. This article fills the gap in the literature and compares the Western perspective and application of CBIs in Yemen aiming at developing a more specific and contextual conception. The analysis lays the foundation for much needed future studies on the role of informal organizations in service provision in developing countries of the Global South.
Although humanitarian aid (HA) is desperately needed in Yemen to cope with the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, few studies have analyzed the effect of these grants. This article provides such an analysis using 34 interviews of NGO directors and staff members in Yemen. The interviews were conducted in an open format, to enable interviewees to express all their ideas on the HA situation in Yemen, not just ones that solely fit into the frame and questions of this study. Our empirical analysis indicates that the ability of local NGOs to use and deliver supplies to those suffering is severely constrained. This is mainly due to looting by conflicting factions, corruption, and the absence of the international deterrent that obliges the conflicting parties to preserve human rights. Furthermore, this study indicates that HA is being used as a weapon of war for power and financial gain, and thus is a contributing factor in the continuation of the conflict. This means it is important that international donors explore alternative solutions to effectively deliver and distribute HA in fragile states.
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