Successful translocations of tule elk (Cervus canadensis nannodes) have been conducted since the early 1900s, with their state population rising from a nadir of as few as three surviving individuals to about 500 when reintroductions began, and to over 5,700 by 2017. However, natural range expansion of extant populations is currently limited by heavily trafficked major highways and urban areas with dense human populations. We determined that the San Francisco Peninsula and northern Monterey Bay counties (the study area) offer 193,973 ha (479,308 acres) of protected open space, several orders of magnitude greater than coastal tule elk home range size. Habitat suitability is supported by abundant historical observer, museum, and archeological records of elk located in this region. The nearest elk population to the study area is in eastern Santa Clara County and has grown from 65 animals that were translocated to Mt. Hamilton in the Diablo Range from 1978–1981 to at least 90 in five–six separate herds counted by aerial and photographic surveys in 2019. United States (U.S.) Highway 101 and metropolitan San Jose remain barriers to western range extension. Translocation and/or construction of freeway over- and under-crossings may enable westward range expansion to a less arid region, contributing to increased resilience of tule elk to climate change, and bringing aesthetic, financial, and ecological benefits of this once native ungulate grazer to the area.
ObjectivesThe mortuary record at Middle Period site Kalawwasa Rummeytak (CA‐SCL‐134) (2600‐1225 cal BP) in California's southern Santa Clara Valley shows pronounced wealth inequality; Olivella shell bead wealth, as well as other grave goods, are concentrated in the burials of several older adult females. The concentration of wealth among women, along with regional strontium isotopic evidence of male‐biased residential shifts in early adulthood, suggests a matrilineal kinship system that practiced matrilocal post‐marital residence patterns. We suggest local resource enhancement effects incentivized keeping women in their natal communities and investing more in female offspring.Materials and MethodsWith the consent of, and in collaboration with, the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe of the San Francisco Bay Area, this paper employs isotopic analysis (δ15N and δ13C, 86Sr/87Sr) to examine duration of exclusive breastfeeding, weaning age (complete cessation of breastmilk consumption), early childhood diet, and lifetime residential mobility of individuals interred at Kalawwasa Rummeytak to test the assumption that the site inhabitants favored matrilocality and that female offspring received greater levels of investment in groups with female wealth/status attainment. First molars, third molars, and bone was sampled from 22 individuals.ResultsThe average weaning age for females at Kalawwasa Rummeytak is 36.3 months ± 9.7 (1 SD), or just over 3 years. The average weaning age for males is 31.2 ± 7.9 months (1 SD), or about 2.6 years. Infants at the site were provisioned with supplemental foods dominated by C3 plants and terrestrial herbivores, as well as anadromous fish. After weaning, individuals consumed a diet dominated by acorns, C3 plants, and terrestrial herbivores, with periodic inclusion of anadromous fish. 30% of the sampled population of females exhibit local first molar 87Sr/86Sr values, suggesting that Kalawwasa Rummeytak is their natal community. None of the males interred at the site are locals.DiscussionDespite the small sample size often unavoidable in archaeological contexts, we find possible female‐biased parental investment strategies. Cessation of breastfeeding (weaning) was, on average, 5 months earlier for males compared to females. There are no differences between females and males in the consumption of supplemental or post‐weaning foods. Strontium data suggest a flexible postmarital residence system that favored matrilocality. This may have incentivized greater investment in female offspring.
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