ObjectivesThis study among 51 parents of young children under age four investigated how parents that report marginal, low and very low food security characterize how trade-offs associated with food insecurity affect parents’ mental health and child well-being.MethodsWe carried out 51 semi-structured audio-recorded interviews after participants responded to a survey regarding food security status and maternal depressive symptoms. Each interview was transcribed. Through a content analysis, we coded “meaning units” in each manuscript and organized them by themes in ATLAS.ti. Among participants reporting both food insecurity and depressive symptoms, we identified three primary areas of concern: trade-offs, mental health, and child well-being.ResultsParents described how trade-offs associated with food insecurity have a profound relationship with their mental health and home environment that strongly affects young children. Descriptions of hardships include anxiety and depression related to overdue bills and shut-off notices, strains with housing costs, and safety. Parents described how their own frustration, anxiety, and depression related to economic hardship have a negative impact on their children’s physical health, and their social and emotional development.ConclusionsParents in food insecure households recognize that trade-offs between food and other basic necessities are associated with their personal stress and poor mental health that, in turn, affects their children’s health and development. Partnerships between healthcare providers, policymakers, and parents are essential to successfully address and prevent the poor child health outcomes of toxic stress associated with food insecurity and poverty.

Food insecurity, lack of access to enough food for an active and healthy life, is associated with poor child health. Three pediatric clinics implemented a two-question food insecurity screening of 7,284 families with children younger than five years. Over one thousand (1,133, 15.6%) reported food insecurity and 630 (55.6%) were referred to a benefits access organization for connection to public benefits and community resources. This study evaluated the efficacy of screening and referral through process evaluation, key informant interviews, and focus groups with 19 caregivers and 11 clinic staff. Using grounded theory, transcript themes were coded into facilitators and barriers of screening and referral. Facilitators included trust between caregivers and staff, choice of screening methods, and assistance navigating benefits application. Barriers included complex administration of referral, privacy and stigma concerns, and caregivers' current benefit enrollment or ineligibility. Results demonstrate importance of integrated screening and referral consent processes, strong communication, and convenient outreach for families.

Objective: Adverse childhood experiences, including abuse, neglect and household instability, affect lifelong health and economic potential. The present study investigates how adverse childhood experiences are associated with food insecurity by exploring caregivers' perceptions of the impact of their childhood adversity on educational attainment, employment and mental health. Design: Semi-structured audio-recorded in-person interviews that included (i) quantitative measures of maternal and child health, adverse childhood experiences (range: 0-10) and food security using the US Household Food Security Survey Module; and (ii) qualitative audio-recorded investigations of experiences with abuse, neglect, violence and hunger over participants' lifetimes.

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) helps working families meet their nutritional needs. Families whose earned income increases in a given month may have their SNAP benefits abruptly reduced or cut off in the following month. Using sentinel sample data from 2007-15 for families with children younger than age four, we investigated how SNAP benefit reductions or cutoffs resulting from increased income were related to economic hardships (food and energy insecurity, unstable housing, forgone health and/or dental care, and health cost sacrifices) and to caregiver and child health. After we controlled for covariates, we found that the groups whose SNAP benefits were reduced or cut off had significantly increased odds of household and child food insecurity, compared to a group with consistent participation in SNAP. Reduced benefits were associated with 1.43 and 1.22 times greater odds of fair or poor caregiver and child health, respectively. Policy modifications to smooth changes in benefit levels as work incomes improve may protect working families with young children from increased food insecurity, poor health, and forgone care.T he Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is the primary public assistance program that helps low-income working families with children, seniors, and people with disabilities purchase food. SNAP can buffer participants against food insecurity (inadequate access to enough nutritious food for an active and healthy life) 1 and poor health. 2 Food insecurity is associated with multiple negative health, developmental, behavioral, and educational outcomes among children and adolescents and with physical and mental health problems among adults. [3][4][5][6][7][8][9] SNAP benefits are frequently insufficient for the consistent purchase of a healthful diet. Nevertheless, among SNAP-eligible households, SNAP participation is associated with greater food security and improved health, educational, and economic outcomes, compared to not participating. 3,4,[10][11][12] Additionally, SNAP makes a positive difference over the life course: SNAP participation in early childhood is associated with decreased risk of later metabolic syndrome and, among women, increased economic selfsufficiency. 13 Other studies have examined SNAP and children's health and food security in the context of the relative generosity of state policies that determine benefit levels 14,15 and whether food price variations across states change SNAP purchasing power and thus child outcomes. 4 In addition to promoting family health and well-being, SNAP functions as a work support. In fiscal year 2016, 55 percent of participating SNAP households with children had earned income, including 67 percent of multiple-adult

Depressive symptoms and ACEs were independently associated with household and child food insecurity, and depressive symptoms modified the association between ACEs and household and child food insecurity. Comprehensive policy interventions incorporating nutrition assistance and behavioral health may address intergenerational transmission of disadvantage.

Household food insecurity is linked with exposure to violence and adversity throughout the life course, suggesting its transfer across generations. Using grounded theory, we analyzed semistructured interviews with 31 mothers reporting household food insecurity where participants described major life events and social relationships. Through the lens of multigenerational interactions, 4 themes emerged: (1) hunger and violence across the generations, (2) disclosure to family and friends, (3) depression and problems with emotional management, and (4) breaking out of intergenerational patterns. After describing these themes and how they relate to reports of food insecurity, we identify opportunities for social services and policy intervention.

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