This paper compares samples of 15-16-year-olds from the UK and France on their usage of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs and also seeks to describe the associations between alcohol and other drug use with "family variables" within the two countries. Compared to UK adolescents, French adolescents showed a slightly higher rate of cigarette smoking, were almost identical on cannabis use, rather lower on the use of other illicit drugs and very considerably lower on alcohol use. Family variables were related to substance use. In the two countries, children from non-intact families, those who were not satisfied with their relationships with their father or mother and those who were less closely monitored, were more likely to be heavy substance users than other students. Logistic regressions showed that parental knowledge of the whereabouts of their offspring on Saturday evenings was the strongest factor, in both countries, that family structure is frequently still significant in the UK, and that paternal relationships are highly significant among French students. Differences in national drinking culture, urbanization and parental practices are discussed in an attempt to interpret some of these findings.

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A considerable amount of survey information was available from general population surveys carried out in six countries between 2000 and 2005. These studies were conducted under the auspices of Gender, Alcohol and Culture: An International Study (GENACIS). A total of 1,446 adults between 18 and 23 years of age and 2,482 adults between 24 and 32 years of age from the Czech Republic, Denmark, the Isle of Man, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom responded to questions about their drinking habits and the social consequences directly resulting from their drinking. Survey methods varied from quota sampling with face-to-face interviewing in Spain and the United Kingdom to telephone surveys in Denmark and Sweden. Response rates varied from 50% to 72%. "Binge" or "heavy episodic" drinking was defined as a usual amount on one occasion of more than 8 UK "units" for men and more than 6 units for women. Consequences investigated comprised relationship, health and financial problems, being asked to cut down on drinking, and being involved in a fight. In Denmark and Sweden, the group aged 24 to 32 years was less likely to be binge drinkers than the 18 to 23 year olds. In the other countries, there was little difference. There was also little difference between the age groups in frequency of drinking, but there were considerable variations in this respect between countries. People in the United Kingdom, Sweden, the Czech Republic, and Denmark were more likely to suffer at least one consequence than those in Spain and the Isle of Man. In Spain, there was little change between the age groups in this respect. Fights were most common in the United Kingdom. Being asked to cut down one's drinking was less common in Spain and Sweden than it was elsewhere. Findings are discussed in terms of the varied drinking cultures in the different countries.

Reporting of alcohol-related adverse consequences seemed strongly affected by cultural norms. The latter may be exemplified by viewing drinking as 'time-out' behaviour. Respondents in countries with a stereotypical history of being 'dry' or with a stereotyped 'binge' drinking culture were more likely to attribute consequences to their alcohol consumption than people in 'wet' countries. This was particularly true for consequences that related to episodic 'time-out' heavy drinking.

This study was undertaken in order to better understand the detection of depression by primary care physicians. Specifically, we investigated the relationship between information gathered during the course of the medical interview and the subsequent diagnosis of depression. Forty-seven community-based primary care physicians, unaware of the mental health focus of this research, were videotaped in the office setting, as they interviewed two "typical" standardized patients who met DSM-III-R criteria for major depression. One patient presented with headaches and the other presented with palpitations and chest pain. After each interview, physicians were provided with physical findings and results of any diagnostic procedures they ordered, then asked to construct and explicate their differential diagnoses. The two patients were correctly diagnosed as depressed by 53 and 45% of the physicians. Although detection was related to greater amounts of information gathered, inquiry about the DSM-III-R criteria symptoms was generally low, and in no case was sufficient information acquired to make a formal DSM-III-R diagnosis of depression. However, a subset of the DSM-III-R symptoms (those related to disturbances of appetite, sleep, and other neurovegetative functions) were among the reasons cited for inclusion of depression in the differential, as were psychosocial stressors and the patient's appearance. These findings suggest that detection of depression is low by primary care physicians.

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Summary A review is presented of the association between the sex industry and the use and misuse of alcohol and illicit dmgs. It is concluded that both the latter are associated with 'high risk' sexual activities and that heavy drinking and illicit drug use are commonplace amongst prostitutes and their clients. Outside Africa evidence suggests that in some, though by no mearts all, areas prostitutes have low or zero levels of HIV seropositivity. It is concluded that far more information is needed on the patterns of AIDS-related knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and behaviours amongst male and female prostitutes and their clients. Vigorous policies are needed to increase levels of knowledge about AIDS risks amongst prostitutes and their clients and to foster the adoption of 'safer sex' practices.

Beginning with France in the 1950s, alcohol consumption has decreased in Southern European countries with few or no preventive alcohol policy measures being implemented, while alcohol consumption has been increasing in Northern European countries where historically more restrictive alcohol control policies were in place, even though more recently they were loosened. At the same time, Central and Eastern Europe have shown an intermediate behavior. We propose that country-specific changes in alcohol consumption between 1960 and 2008 are explained by a combination of a number of factors: (1) preventive alcohol policiesAmong others, thanks to the late Eva Buiatti for her great support and scientific cooperation, and to Harold Holder for his suggestions. The research leading to these results has received funding and (2) social, cultural, economic, and demographic determinants. This article describes the methodology of a research study designed to understand the complex interactions that have occurred throughout Europe over the past five decades. These include changes in alcohol consumption, drinking patterns and alcoholrelated harm, and the actual determinants of such changes.