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Material deprivation contributes to inequalities in health; areas of high deprivation have higher rates of ill-health. How deprivation is measured has a great impact on its explanatory power with respect to health. We compare previous deprivation measures used in Scotland and proposes a new deprivation measure using the 2001 and 2011 Scottish census data. We calculate the relative index of inequality (RII) for self-reported health and mortality. While across all age groups different deprivation measures provide similar results, the assessment of health inequalities among those aged 20–29 differs markedly according to the deprivation measure. In 2011 the RII for long-term health problem for men aged 20–24 was only 0.71 (95% CI 0.60–0.83) using the Carstairs score, but 1.10 (0.99–1.21) for the new score and 1.13 (1.03–1.24) for the income domain of Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD). The RII for mortality in that age group was 1.25 (0.89–1.58) for the Carstairs score, 1.69 (1.35–2.02) for the new measure and 1.76 (1.43–2.08) for SIMD. The results suggest that researchers and policy makers should consider the suitability of deprivation measures for different social groups.

Safety has been shown to be an important contributor to mental well‐being and is often identified as a key element of sustainable communities. Drawing on the fear of crime literature this study investigates the determinants of feelings of indoor and outdoor safety for people living in deprived areas, using both cross‐sectional and longitudinal samples from household surveys in 15 communities in Glasgow. Across the different models social cohesion, satisfaction with services, and perceived empowerment emerge as the most robust predictors of feeling very safe indoors and outside. Our findings suggest useful extensions to several theoretical models of the fear of crime: The vulnerability hypothesis should include social vulnerability more generally; environmental models should focus on local amenities and services as well as on disorder; and social–psychological models should consider not only informal social control but also resident empowerment in relation to housing and neighborhood issues.

The literature on women's descriptive representation has looked at the debate on open and closed lists as a choice between electoral systems. This article instead focuses on whether voters or the parties are biased against female candidates. Using data from six Estonian elections, the article finds that voters are not consistently biased against female candidates and open lists do not necessarily decrease women's representation. However, unknown and non-incumbent female candidates fare significantly worse than similar men. The analysis also shows that parties do not place women in electable positions on closed lists, and closed lists do not improve women's representation.Keywords: candidate gender; voter preference; political parties; candidate selection; electoral systems; Estonia IntroductionIn most countries, women are far less likely to hold elected office than men, and there has been virtually no change in the gender composition of parliaments in some countries since the 1970s. This is the case despite advances made in women's education, employment rates, and substantial changes in public attitudes about female leadership. What or who is still standing in the way of electing women to office? This article looks at the debate on the effect of closed and open lists on women's representation, an issue that ultimately comes down to the question of whether political parties or voters disadvantage female candidates. While previous research in this area has tested theories about list types at the country level, this article reassesses the accuracy of this theory at the individual level, that is, at the level of the actual causal mechanism.I use data from six parliamentary elections in Estonia between 1992 and 2011. The Estonian case is insightful for many reasons. First, during the 20-year span, the electoral system has largely remained unchanged and simultaneously combines both closed and open lists. The uniqueness of the system allows us to test the effect of list types on women's election while holding everything pertaining to each election constant. Second, the availability of detailed party and candidate data permits the testing of the theories at the level of the mechanism rather than observing a relationship at the country level. Third, previous research on individual-level data has focused on candidate-centred systems -mainly single member districts (SMD), but also single transferable vote (STV) -and analysed only a single point in time. The Estonian data provide the opportunity to test the effect of gender on votes, election chances and list position in a party-centred proportional system over a 20-year period.

Background Average life expectancy has stopped increasing for many countries. This has been attributed to causes such as influenza, austerity policies and deaths of despair (drugs, alcohol and suicide). Less is known on the inequality of life expectancy over time using reliable, whole population, data. This work examines all-cause and cause-specific mortality rates in Scotland to assess the patterning of relative and absolute inequalities across three decades. Methods Using routinely collected Scottish mortality and population records we calculate directly age-standardized mortality rates by age group, sex and deprivation fifths for all-cause and cause-specific deaths around each census 1981–2011. Results All-cause mortality rates in the most deprived areas in 2011 (472 per 100 000 population) remained higher than in the least deprived in 1981 (422 per 100 000 population). For those aged 0–64, deaths from circulatory causes more than halved between 1981 and 2011 and cancer mortality decreased by a third (with greater relative declines in the least deprived areas). Over the same period, alcohol- and drug-related causes and male suicide increased (with greater absolute and relative increases in more deprived areas). There was also a significant increase in deaths from dementia and Alzheimer’s disease for those aged 75+. Conclusions Despite reductions in mortality, relative (but not absolute) inequalities widened between 1981 and 2011 for all-cause mortality and for several causes of death. Reducing relative inequalities in Scotland requires faster mortality declines in deprived areas while countering increases in mortality from causes such as drug- and alcohol-related harm and male suicide.

This report describes the development of the BrazDep small-area deprivation measure for the whole of Brazil. The measure uses the 2010 Brazilian Population Census data and is calculated for the smallest possible geographical area level, the census sectors. It combines three variables – (1) percent of households with per capita income ≤ 1/2 minimum wage; (2) percent of people not literate, aged 7+; and (3) average of percent of people with inadequate access to sewage, water, garbage collection and no toilet and bath/shower – into a single measure. Similar measures have previously been developed at the census sector level for some states or municipalities, but the deprivation measure described in this report is the first one to be provided for census sectors for the whole of Brazil. BrazDep is a measure of relative deprivation, placing the census sectors on a scale of material well-being from the least to the most deprived. It is useful in comparing areas within Brazil in 2010, but cannot be used to make comparisons across countries or time. Categorical versions of the measure are also provided, placing census sectors into groups of similar levels of deprivation. Deprivation measures, such as the one developed here, have been developed for many countries and are popular tools in public health research for describing the social patterning of health outcomes and supporting the targeting and delivery of services to areas of higher need. The deprivation measure is exponentially distributed, with a large proportion of areas having a low deprivation score and a smaller number of areas experiencing very high deprivation. There is significant regional variation in deprivation; areas in the North and Northeast of Brazil have on average much higher deprivation compared to the South and Southeast. Deprivation levels in the Central-West region fall between those for the North and South. Differences are also great between urban and rural areas, with the former having lower levels of deprivation compared to the latter. The measure was validated by comparing it to other similar indices measuring health and social vulnerability at the census sector level in states and municipalities where it was possible, and at the municipal level for across the whole of Brazil. At the municipal level the deprivation measure was also compared to health outcomes. The different validation exercises showed that the developed measure produced expected results and could be considered validated. As the measure is an estimate of the “true” deprivation in Brazil, uncertainty exists about the exact level of deprivation for all of the areas. For the majority of census sectors the uncertainty is small enough that we can reliably place the area into a deprivation category. However, for some areas uncertainty is very high and the provided estimate is unreliable. These considerations should always be kept in mind when using the BrazDep measure in research or policy. The measure should be used as part of a toolkit, rather than a single basis for decision-making. The data together with documentation is available from the University of Glasgow http: //dx.doi.org/10.5525/gla.researchdata.980. The data and this report are distributed under Creative Commons Share-Alike license (CC BY-SA 4.0) and can be freely used by researchers, policy makers or members of public.

Background Increasing mortality among men from drugs, alcohol and suicides is a growing public health concern in many countries. Collectively known as “deaths of despair”, they are seen to stem from unprecedented economic pressures and a breakdown in social support structures. Methods We use high-quality population wide Scottish data to calculate directly age-standardized mortality rates for men aged 15–44 between 1980 and 2018 for 15 leading causes of mortality. Absolute and relative inequalities in mortality by cause are calculated using small-area deprivation and the slope and relative indices of inequality (SII and RIIL) for the years 2001–2018. Results Since 1980 there have been only small reductions in mortality among men aged 15–44 in Scotland. In that period drug-related deaths have increased from 1.2 (95% CI 0.7–1.4) to 44.9 (95% CI 42.5–47.4) deaths per 100,000 and are now the leading cause of mortality. Between 2001 and 2018 there have been small reductions in absolute but not in relative inequalities in all-cause mortality. However, absolute inequalities in mortality from drugs have doubled from SII = 66.6 (95% CI 61.5–70.9) in 2001–2003 to SII = 120.0 (95% CI 113.3–126.8) in 2016–2018. Drugs are the main contributor to inequalities in mortality, and together with alcohol harm and suicides make up 65% of absolute inequalities in mortality. Conclusions Contrary to the substantial reductions in mortality across all ages in the past decades, deaths among young men are increasing from preventable causes. Attempts to reduce external causes of mortality have focused on a single cause of death and not been effective in reducing mortality or inequalities in mortality from external causes in the long-run. To reduce deaths of despair, action should be taken to address social determinants of health and reduce socioeconomic inequalities.

Objectives: We compare rates of ill health and socioeconomic inequalities in health by ethnic groups in Scotland by age. We focus on ethnic differences in socioeconomic inequalities in health. There is little evidence of how socioeconomic inequalities in health vary by ethnicity, especially in Scotland, where health inequalities are high compared to other European countries. Design: A cross-sectional study using the 2011 Scottish Census (population 5.3 million) was conducted. Directly standardized rates were calculated for two self-rated health outcomes (poor general health and limiting long-term illness) separately by ethnicity, age and small-area deprivation. Slope and relative indices of inequality were calculated to measure socioeconomic inequalities in health. Results: The results show that the White Scottish population tend to have worse health and higher socioeconomic inequalities in health than many other ethnic groups, while White Polish and Chinese people tend to have better health and low socioeconomic inequalities in health. These results are more salient for ages 30-44. The Pakistani population has high rates of poor health similar to the White Scottish for ages 15-44, but at ages 45 and above Pakistani people have the highest rates of poor self-rated health. Compared to other ethnicities, Pakistani people are also more likely to experience poor health in the least deprived areas, particularly at ages 45 and above. Conclusions: There are statistically significant and substantial differences in poor self-rated health and in socioeconomic inequalities in health between ethnicities. Rates of ill health vary between ethnic groups at any age. The better health of the younger minority population should not be taken as evidence of better health outcomes in later life. Since socioeconomic gradients in health vary by ethnicity, policy interventions for health improvement in Scotland that focus only on deprived areas may inadvertently exclude minority populations.