Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to explore how healthcare managers construct the manager role in relation to the medical profession in their organisations. Design/methodology/approach - In total, 18 of Sweden's 20 healthcare chief executive officers (CEOs) and 20 clinical department managers (CDMs) were interviewed about their views on management of physicians. Interviews were performed in the context of one aspect of healthcare management; i.e., management of physicians' sickness certification practice. A discourse analysis approach was used for data analysis. Findings - Few managers used a management-based discourse to construct the manager role. Instead, a profession-based discourse dominated and managers frequently used the attributes "physician" or "non-physician" to categorise themselves or other managers in their managerial roles. Some managers, both CEOs and CDMs, shifted between the management- and profession-based discourses, resulting in a kind of "yes, but […]" approach to management in the organisations. The dominating profession-based discourse served to reproduce the power and status of physicians within the organisation, thereby rendering the manager role weaker than the medical profession for both physician and non-physician managers. Research limitations/implications - Further studies are needed to explore the impact of gender, managerial level, and basic profession on how managers construct the manager role in relation to physicians. Practical implications - The results suggest that there is a need to address the organisational conditions for managers' role taking in healthcare organisations. Originality/value - Despite the general strengthening of the manager position in healthcare through political reforms during the last decades, this study shows that a profession-based discourse clearly dominated in how the managers constructed the manager role in relation to the medical profession on the workplace level in their organisations.
Outdoor areas are important for adolescents, since they often lack access to other spaces. Focus group discussions were conducted with 15-16 year old girls and boys in Stockholm and Uppsala Counties, Sweden, to explore their ideas regarding threats they face when moving in public space, including traffic. The threats which emerged as most prominent were lone rapists-mainly threatening girls-or gangs of adolescent boys-threatening boys with violence and girls mainly with (sexual) harassment. Traffic, though sometimes admitted to be a major safety risk, was perceived as more manageable. Boys and girls suggest coping with social risks by behaving opposite to the gendered idea of a 'victim'-boys by being non-aggressive, girls by acting confidently. Boys portray themselves as level-headed, skilled and making rational risk assessments. Girls sometimes described themselves as behaving in an unsafe way in traffic, but not in relation to social/sexual threats.
BackgroundUgandan law prohibits abortion under all circumstances except where there is a risk for the woman’s life. However, it has been estimated that over 250 000 illegal abortions are being performed in the country yearly. Many of these abortions are carried out under unsafe conditions, being one of the most common reasons behind the nearly 5000 maternal deaths per year in Uganda. Little research has been conducted in relation to societal views on abortion within the Ugandan society. This study aims to analyze the discourse on abortion as expressed in the two main daily Ugandan newspapers.MethodThe conceptual content of 59 articles on abortion between years 2006–2012, from the two main daily English-speaking newspapers in Uganda, was studied using principles from critical discourse analysis.ResultsA religious discourse and a human rights discourse, together with medical and legal sub discourses frame the subject of abortion in Uganda, with consequences for who is portrayed as a victim and who is to blame for abortions taking place. It shows the strong presence of the Catholic Church within the medial debate on abortion. The results also demonstrate the absence of medial statements related to abortion made by political stakeholders.ConclusionsThe Catholic Church has a strong position within the Ugandan society and their stance on abortion tends to have great influence on the way other actors and their activities are presented within the media, as well as how stakeholders choose to convey their message, or choose not to publicly debate the issue in question at all. To decrease the number of maternal deaths, we highlight the need for a more inclusive and varied debate that problematizes the current situation, especially from a gender perspective.
This thesis aims to describe and analyze gender and age patterns of verbal abuse among students, and how it is used in identity construction by girls and boys in social interaction in school. Two sets of data were used: a school-based survey (study I) and an observation and interview-based qualitative study (studies II-IV). The survey encompassed all 6 th and 8 th graders in a medium-sized Swedish city (n=1 006), and served to assess the gender and age-based prevalence of verbal abuse, and its effects on well-being. The qualitative study was conducted among 8 th grade students at two schools in the Stockholm area (127 hours of observations and 10 interviews). Through discourse analysis, it explored the role of verbal abuse in gender and age construction between same-age students in everyday interactions and examined students' own understanding of verbal abuse. The survey showed that verbal abuse is prevalent, more pronounced among 8 th graders, that boys experienced insults and threats to a greater extent, and girls sexual name-calling (e.g. "whore"). Boys most often used verbal abuse against other boys as well as girls, indicating that it was especially significant for masculinity construction. Being exposed did not have to be frequent, repeated or combined with other kinds of harassment to be negatively related to school satisfaction and well-being. The observations and interviews demonstrated that verbal abuse was a cultural resource to which boys had greater access. Often with sexual content, it contributed to "toughness", a central component of hegemonic masculinity in the schools. While generating most of the verbal abuse, tough, popular boys were not necessarily regarded as verbally abusive. Responsibility for the bulk of verbal abuse was instead attributed to "rowdy" boys. Whereas boys largely benefited from using verbal abuse, such practices mostly reflected unfavorably on girls. Verbal abuse simultaneously ordered masculinities and femininities, structured heterosexual relations, and contributed to age construction, intertwined with that of gender. For boys, using verbal abuse constituted them as appropriately (hetero)sexual teenage males. Discourses of immaturity, development, and school year used in the meaning-making of verbal abuse positioned genders differently, and contrasted teenagers with adults. Verbally abusive girls were associated with a negative "fjortis"-femininity, indicating that they displayed the wrong kind of sexuality, femininity and social age. What constituted 'verbal abuse' was jointly constructed by students and sometimes also by teachers in interaction. Speaker intent was a main point of students' understanding, in turn modified by a number of permissive discourses, such as "joking", friendship or pejoratives having "lost their meaning". Students came to interpret use of pejoratives and insults especially by tough popular boys as "jokes", rather than being offended and hurt. This suggests that students, using and investing in such discourses, reduced the practice of being verbal...
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