Abstract.It is well known that Korean marks clauses through the particles that occur at the end of sentences and also that there are many clause types. One can find as many as eleven clause types proposed in the literature. In this paper I examine all proposed sentence types and sentence end particles through Sadock and Zwicky's (1985) criteria on clause types and decomposition of the particles. The study lends the conclusion that there are at most 5 clause types; declarative, interrogative, imperative, exhortative, and promissive (the last three can even be grouped into one clause type, jussives). It also reveals that not all sentence end particles mark clause type and that they can be categorized into three categories: special mood particles, speech style particles, and clause typing particles. The paper concludes with the issue of the role of clause typing particles. While they are labeled clause typing particles in the sense that they are unique to the clause types they appear in, I argue that they are not markers of sentential force.
Abstract.One of the unique features of Korean is that it marks sentences used to promise with the same grammatical mechanism - a paradigm of sentence final particles - with which it marks other clause types, like declaratives, interrogatives, and imperatives. In this paper we investigate this cross-linguistically rare type of PROMISSIVES and argue that they are members of the broader clause type of JUSSIVES, along with imperatives and exhortatives. However, within the jussive clause type, promissives, imperatives, and exhortatives differ from each other in having not only different sen-tence final particles but also different subjects. We argue that these two differences are correlated in such a way as to distinguish the three distinct clause types, promissives, imperatives, and exhorta-tives. We specifically argue that the jussive particle (sentence final particle in jussive clauses) is the head of a Jussive Phrase which carries person features and that the jussive particle enters an agree-ment relation with the subject. In studying various types of subjects allowed in both root and embed-ded jussive clauses we further argue that the Jussive head, as well as null pronouns in Korean has a shiftable person features while overt pronouns have unshiftable person features.
One of the salient features of the Korean language is honorifics. Two kinds of honorifics have been discussed in the literature, subject honorific and addressee honorific. The subject honorific is characterized by honorific markers on the subject and predicate. The addressee honorific is usually marked by formal and/or polite speech style particles at the end of a sentence. The subject honorific is characterized by its optionality which has raised many questions about its nature, whether it is a type of formal feature agreement or not. The addressee honorific, however, has not received much attention from a theoretical perspective in the literature though much descriptive work is available. In this paper, we attempt to discuss the optionality of subject honorific in the context of the nature of honorifics in general, including the addressee honorific. More specifically, we examine how honorific is encoded in the grammar by focusing on embedding of honorifics. Some empirical data show that embedding of honorifics (or politeness) is restricted in certain constructions. Based on examining these constructions, we claim that there is a generalization that prohibits the occurrence of honorific/politeness marker in the embedded CP domain. We further claim that this restriction interacts with subject honorific in such a way that it forces the agreement of honorific to take place obligatorily in certain constructions, thereby making the optionality of the subject honorific to hold only conditionally and circumstantially.
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