The paper discusses dative cliticization in Modern Greek in passives and unaccusatives. Based on crosslinguistic evidence, I show that dative cliticization is not implicated in movement operations that violate the Minimal Link Condition (MLC). Instead, the observed cliticization patterns exhaustively reduce to the effects of a generalized form of a Doubly Filled Comp Filter. In particular, I show applicative morphemes can be selectively overt also in Indo-European languages like Greek and that the selective spell-out of these morphemes positively correlates with the absence of external arguments (Spec,vP). The discussion posits an incremental spell-out pattern for complex terminals and highlights the reality of head movement as a syntactic operation. The paper also revisits the claim that clitics constitute a heterogeneous class of items and that their morphosyntactic properties might depend on the transitivity/voice of the hosting predicate.
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