Long Abstract Existing brain-based emotion-cognition theories fail to explain arousal’s ability to both enhance and impair cognitive processing. In the Glutamate Amplifies Noradrenergic Effects (GANE) model outlined in this paper, we propose that arousal-induced norepinephrine (NE) released from the locus coeruleus (LC) biases perception and memory in favor of salient, high priority representations at the expense of lower priority representations. This increase in gain under phasic arousal occurs via synaptic self-regulation of NE based on glutamate levels. When the LC is phasically active, elevated levels of glutamate at the site of prioritized representations increase local NE release, creating “NE hot spots.” At these local hot spots, glutamate and NE release are mutually enhancing and amplify activation of prioritized representations. This excitatory effect contrasts with widespread NE suppression of weaker representations via lateral and auto-inhibitory processes. On a broader scale, hot spots increase oscillatory synchronization across neural ensembles transmitting high priority information. Furthermore, key brain structures that detect or pre-determine stimulus priority interact with phasic NE release to preferentially route such information through large-scale functional brain networks. A surge of NE before, during or after encoding enhances synaptic plasticity at sites of high glutamate activity, triggering local protein synthesis processes that enhance selective memory consolidation. Together, these noradrenergic mechanisms increase perceptual and memory selectivity under arousal. Beyond explaining discrepancies in the emotion-cognition literature, GANE reconciles and extends previous influential theories of LC neuromodulation by highlighting how NE can produce such different outcomes in processing based on priority.
cortex activity than younger adults while engaging in emotion-processing tasks, we argue that the cognitive control hypothesis is a more likely explanation for older adults' positivity effect than the aging-brain model. Copyright © 2011 S. Karger AG, Basel In contrast with the age-related declines in many domains of cognitive functioning [1] , emotion regulation functioning improves somewhat with age [2] . People experience less negative affect as they get older and can restore their good mood after being induced into a negative mood more effectively than younger adults [3] . Older adults also show a 'positivity effect' in attention and memory [4] . For instance, older adults sometimes spend a larger proportion of time viewing positive items and a smaller proportion viewing negative items than do younger adults [5,6] . Moreover, in some studies, compared with younger adults, less of what older adults remember is negative and more is positive [5,7,8] . Such age by valence interactions tend to have a medium effect size [8] ; thus, as might be expected, studies with relatively small participant groups do not always reveal significant age differences. Other factors, such as a level of arousal of stimuli [9] , availability of cognitive resources [6] or types of measurements across studies [10] , may also account for the presence or absence of a positivity effect.Why do older adults show some improvements in emotion regulation despite suffering age-related cogni- Key WordsEmotion ؒ Aging ؒ Functional magnetic resonance imaging ؒ Positivity effect ؒ Amygdala ؒ Prefrontal cortex Abstract Despite the fact that physical health and cognitive abilities decline with aging, the ability to regulate emotion remains stable and in some aspects improves across the adult life span. Older adults also show a positivity effect in their attention and memory, with diminished processing of negative stimuli relative to positive stimuli compared with younger adults. The current paper reviews functional magnetic resonance imaging studies investigating age-related differences in emotional processing and discusses how this evidence relates to two opposing theoretical accounts of older adults' positivity effect. The aging-brain model [Cacioppo et al. in: Social Neuroscience: Toward Understanding the Underpinnings of the Social Mind. New York, Oxford University Press, 2011] proposes that older adults' positivity effect is a consequence of age-related decline in the amygdala, whereas the cognitive control hypothesis [Kryla-Lighthall and Mather in: Handbook of Theories of Aging, ed 2. New York, Springer, 2009; Mather and Carstensen: Trends Cogn Sci 2005; 9: 496-502; Mather and Knight: Psychol Aging 2005; 20: 554-570] argues that the positivity effect is a result of older adults' greater focus on regulating emotion. Based on evidence for structural and functional preservation of the amygdala in older adults and findings that older adults show greater prefrontal
The ability to regulate emotion is crucial to promote well-being. Evidence suggests that the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) and adjacent anterior cingulate (ACC) modulate amygdala activity during emotion regulation. Yet less is known about whether the amygdala-mPFC circuit is linked with regulation of the autonomic nervous system and whether the relationship differs across the adult lifespan. The current study tested the hypothesis that heart rate variability (HRV) reflects the strength of mPFC-amygdala interaction across younger and older adults. We recorded participants’ heart rates at baseline and examined whether baseline HRV was associated with amygdala-mPFC functional connectivity during rest. We found that higher HRV was associated with stronger functional connectivity between the amygdala and the mPFC during rest across younger and older adults. In addition to this age-invariant pattern, there was an age-related change, such that greater HRV was linked with stronger functional connectivity between amygdala and ventrolateral PFC (vlPFC) in younger than in older adults. These results are in line with past evidence that vlPFC is involved in emotion regulation especially in younger adults. Taken together, our results support the neurovisceral integration model and suggest that higher heart rate variability is associated with neural mechanisms that support successful emotional regulation across the adult lifespan.
Recent research indicates gender differences in the impact of stress on decision behavior, but little is known about the brain mechanisms involved in these gender-specific stress effects. The current study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to determine whether induced stress resulted in gender-specific patterns of brain activation during a decision task involving monetary reward. Specifically, we manipulated physiological stress levels using a cold pressor task, prior to a risky decision making task. Healthy men (n = 24, 12 stressed) and women (n = 23, 11 stressed) completed the decision task after either cold pressor stress or a control task during the period of cortisol response to the cold pressor. Gender differences in behavior were present in stressed participants but not controls, such that stress led to greater reward collection and faster decision speed in males but less reward collection and slower decision speed in females. A gender-by-stress interaction was observed for the dorsal striatum and anterior insula. With cold stress, activation in these regions was increased in males but decreased in females. The findings of this study indicate that the impact of stress on reward-related decision processing differs depending on gender.
In younger adults, arousal amplifies attentional focus to the most salient or goal-relevant information while suppressing other information. A computational model of how the locus coeruleus-norepinephrine (LC-NE) system can implement this increased selectivity under arousal and an fMRI study comparing how arousal affects younger and older adults’ processing indicate that the amplification of salient stimuli and the suppression of non-salient stimuli are separate processes, with aging affecting suppression without impacting amplification under arousal. In the fMRI study, arousal increased processing of salient stimuli and decreased processing of non-salient stimuli for younger adults. In contrast, for older adults, arousal increased processing of both low and high salience stimuli, generally increasing excitatory responses to visual stimuli. Older adults also showed decline in LC functional connectivity with frontoparietal networks that coordinate attentional selectivity. Thus, among older adults, arousal increases the potential for distraction from non-salient stimuli.
When encountering emotional events, memory for those events is typically enhanced. But it has been unclear how emotionally arousing events influence memory for preceding information. Does emotional arousal induce retrograde amnesia or retrograde enhancement? The current study revealed that this depends on the top-down goal relevance of the preceding information. Across three studies, we found that emotional arousal induced by one image facilitated memory for the preceding neutral item when people prioritized that neutral item. In contrast, an emotional image impaired memory for the preceding neutral item when people did not prioritize that neutral item. Emotional arousal elicited by negative and positive pictures both showed this pattern of enhancing or impairing memory for the preceding stimulus depending on its priority. These results indicate that emotional arousal amplifies the effects of top-down priority in memory formation.
The arousal-biased competition model predicts that arousal increases the gain on neural competition between stimuli representations. Thus, the model predicts that arousal simultaneously enhances processing of salient stimuli and impairs processing of relatively less-salient stimuli. We tested this model with a simple dot-probe task. On each trial, participants were simultaneously exposed to one face image as a salient cue stimulus and one place image as a non-salient stimulus. A border around the face cue location further increased its bottom-up saliency. Before these visual stimuli were shown, one of two tones played: one that predicted a shock (increasing arousal) or one that did not. An arousal-by-saliency interaction in category-specific brain regions (fusiform face area for salient faces and parahippocampal place area for non-salient places) indicated that brain activation associated with processing the salient stimulus was enhanced under arousal whereas activation associated with processing the non-salient stimulus was suppressed under arousal. This is the first functional magnetic resonance imaging study to demonstrate that arousal can enhance information processing for prioritized stimuli while simultaneously impairing processing of non-prioritized stimuli. Thus, it goes beyond previous research to show that arousal does not uniformly enhance perceptual processing, but instead does so selectively in ways that optimizes attention to highly salient stimuli.
Previous studies suggested roles for curiosity and interest in knowledge acquisition and exploration, but there has been a long-standing debate about how to define these concepts and whether they are related or different. In this paper, we address the definition issue by arguing that there is inherent difficulty in defining curiosity and interest, because both curiosity and interest are naïve concepts, which are not supposed to have a priori scientific definitions. We present a reward-learning framework of autonomous knowledge acquisition and use this framework to illustrate the importance of process account as an alternative to advance our understanding of curiosity and interest without being troubled by their definitions. The framework centers on the role of rewarding experience associated with knowledge acquisition and learning and posits that the acquisition of new knowledge strengthens the value of further information. Critically, we argue that curiosity and interest are the concepts that they subjectively construe through this knowledge-acquisition process. Finally, we discuss the implications of the reward-learning framework for education and empirical research in educational psychology.Many people agree that curiosity and interest are central parts of our intellectual behavior, playing an essential role in our daily and professional life. The importance of nurturing curiosity and interest in classrooms has been repeatedly emphasized in both academic and lay literature (e.g., Dewey 1913;Kohn 1986;Pink 2010;Renninger
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