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Three studies tested and confirmed the hypothesis that secure attachment relationships lead to feelings of security and energy, as well as willingness to explore. In Study 1, priming a secure attachment relationship increased felt security and energy. In Studies 2 and 3, felt energy mediated the effect of (primed) secure attachment relationships on willingness to explore. In Study 3, the effect of (primed) secure attachment relationships on felt energy and willingness to explore was independent of general positive affect. Secure attachments energize partners, thus enabling exploration.

a b s t r a c tThe individual self, relational self, and collective self are important and meaningful aspects of identity. However, they plausibly differ in their relative importance such that one self lies closer to the motivational core of the self-concept, better represent the "home base" of selfhood, or, simply stated, is motivationally primary.Four multi-method studies tested the relative motivational-primacy of the selves. Despite their disparate methods, the studies yielded consistent evidence of a three-tiered hierarchy with the individual self at the top, followed by the relational self, and trailed at the bottom by the collective self. The same hierarchy emerged in the Eastern culture of China and the Western cultures of the US and UK. Such pancultural consistency suggests that the motivational hierarchy is a fundamental pattern of the human self.

Current cognitive models stress the importance of negative self-perceptions in maintaining social anxiety, but focus predominantly on content rather than structure. Two studies examine the role of self-structure (self-organisation, self-complexity, and self-concept clarity) in social anxiety. In study one, self-organisation and self-concept clarity were correlated with social anxiety, and a step-wise multiple regression showed that after controlling for depression and self-esteem, which explained 35% of the variance in social anxiety scores, self-concept clarity uniquely predicted social anxiety and accounted for an additional 7% of the variance in social anxiety scores in an undergraduate sample (N = 95) and the interaction between self-concept clarity and compartmentalisation (an aspect of evaluative self-organisation) at step 3 of the multiple regression accounted for a further 3% of the variance in social anxiety scores. In study two, high (n = 26) socially anxious participants demonstrated less self-concept clarity than low socially anxious participants (n = 26) on both self-report (used in study one) and on computerised measures of self-consistency and confidence in self-related judgments. The high socially anxious group had more compartmentalised self-organisation than the low anxious group, but there were no differences between the two groups on any of the other measures of self-organisation. Self-complexity did not contribute to social anxiety in either study, although this may have been due to the absence of a stressor. Overall, the results suggest that self-structure has a potentially important role in understanding social anxiety and that self-concept clarity and other aspects of self-structure such as compartmentalisation interact with each other and could be potential maintaining factors in social anxiety. Cognitive therapy for social phobia might influence self-structure, and understanding the role of structural variables in maintenance and treatment could eventually help to improve treatment outcome.

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In climate change communications, do attitudes towards humans influence pro-environmental action? If so, does it depend on endorsement of self-transcendence values? Two experiments examined these questions by assessing the effects of activating positive (vs. negative) humanity esteem on environmental motives, personal moral norms, and behavioural intentions to protect the environment. The experiments tested whether the effects of humanity esteem depend on individuals' self-transcendence values. Results indicated that among people who endorse self-transcendence values less strongly, those in the positive (vs. negative) humanity-esteem condition had lower ecocentrism (Experiment 1) and weaker personal norms, which led to weaker behavioural intentions to protect the environment (Experiment 2). In contrast, across the two humanity-esteem conditions, people who more strongly endorsed selftranscendence values showed stronger ecocentrism, personal moral norms, and behavioural intentions to protect the environment. Thus, for people with weaker self-transcendence values, portrayals of humanity play a role in people's engagement with environmental causes. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.Human activities contribute to climate change above and beyond changes that occur through natural processes (IPCC, 2007). In discussions of climate change, this influence of humanity can be presented as an impact that we can overcome through diligence and ingenuity or as an impact that is due to our carelessness and stupidity. Further, humanity can be portrayed as a sociable, intelligent species that helps each other and solves problems collectively or as a self-focused malevolent species that ignores long-term consequences of the destruction of nature. The latter view has resonated in the social media, and there are emerging descriptions of humans as parasites on the earth (e.g. Pindal & Drew, 1966) or cancer on the surface of the earth (e.g. MacDougall, 1997). Similarly, in Age of Stupid, a green documentary released in 2009, film director Franny Armstrong portrayed a disparaging view of humanity and at the same time sought to mobilise civic involvement to combat climate change. Is this an effective approach to engage people in pro-environmental acts? If so, is it compatible with the prevailing social values approach advocated and endorsed by environmentalists and many civil organisations (e.g. Adams & Jeanrenaud, 2008;Kasser, 2009;Leiserowitz & Fernandez, 2008;WWF, 2008)?In two experiments, we tested whether manipulations of attitudes towards humanity lead to changes in motives to protect the environment (Experiment 1), personal moral norms to protect the environment, and intentions to engage in proenvironmental behaviours (Experiment 2). Across the experiments, we also tested if the effects of attitudes towards humanity on environmental motives, personal moral norms, and behavioural intentions depend on the extent to which individuals place importance on self-transcending values. Humanity Esteem and EnvironmentalismResea...

The present research tested the extent to which perceptions of early childhood experiences with parents predicted general views of the self (i.e., self‐esteem) and others (i.e., humanity‐esteem), and whether attachment self‐ and other‐models mediated these links. Two studies used a new measure of humanity‐esteem (Luke & Maio, 2004) to achieve these ends. As expected, indices that tapped a positive model of the self in relationships were associated with high self‐esteem and indices that tapped a positive model of others in relationships were associated with high humanity‐esteem. Also, early attachment experiences with fathers and mothers predicted self‐esteem and humanity‐esteem, respectively, and these direct relations were mediated by the attachment models. The studies, therefore, provide direct evidence that attachment measures predict general favorability toward the self and others, while revealing novel differences in the roles of childhood experiences with fathers and mothers. No variables, it is held, have more far‐reaching effects on personality development than a child's experiences within the family: for, starting during his first months in his relation with his mother figure, and extending through the years of childhood and adolescence in his relation to both parents, he builds up working models of how attachment figures are likely to behave towards him in any of a variety of situations; and on those models are based all his expectations, and therefore all his plans, for the rest of his life. Bowlby (1973; p. 369)