We systematically reviewed all available literature concerning the prevalence of onychomycosis in patients with nail psoriasis and the distribution of pathogens causing onychomycosis in this specific group of patients. Databases searched were Pubmed, EMBASE and the Cochrane Controlled Clinical Trial Register. All studies reporting on the prevalence of onychomycosis in nail psoriasis were obtained, and quality assessment was determined by the STrengthening the Reporting of OBservational studies in Epidemiology checklist. Literature search revealed 720 studies, of which 10 studies met the inclusion criteria. The major limitation of the review was the heterogeneity of the included studies, which prevented the possibility to conduct a meta analysis. However, the average prevalence of 18.0% of onychomycosis in psoriatic patients seems to be increased when compared with control groups and literature on healthy population, even though the ultimate evidence remains lacking. As in the literature hypothesized shift in causative agents from dermatophytes to yeasts and/or moulds could not be confirmed. The clinical consequence of the relatively high prevalence of onychomycosis in psoriasis may be a general advice to rule out onychomycosis or concomitant onychomycosis in these patients with (suspected) nail psoriasis. This advice is stressed by the relative simplicity of treating the contribution of onychomycosis in the nail dystrophy but also the fact that nail psoriasis mostly is treated by immunosuppressive drugs, like steroids, methotrexate or biologics which may aggravate mycotic nail infections.
The report of UN Secretary General titled Our Common Agenda argues that growing tensions between states and accumulation of global problems is a wake‐up call for international society. The choice now is either to follow the beaten track of dealing with global issues and risk a perpetual crisis or to undertake the effort to achieve a more solidary international system. One of the main protagonists of the new UN blueprint for securing multilateralism are cities and local and regional governments. The aim of the article is to examine how the EU, as a complex system of multilevel governance, supports sub‐national actors in their efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and whether this support is sufficient. I will also concentrate on Voluntary Local Reviews, which are a new extra‐state tools of foreign activities of subnational actors and try to explain why the intra‐EU channel needs to adapt to this challenge. The results show that the EU institutions facilitated subnational actors in monitoring the SDGs by providing methodological assistance. However, local and regional governments face structural problems that may hinder the process of localizing SDGs. Therefore, they need specific capacity‐building competencies. This is a challenge for the EU in the future.
Poland’s European policy and its struggles with EU institutions since 2015 may lead to the conviction that the country’s illiberal turn is accompanied by a process of de-Europeanisation which is fostered by the government to undermine the country’s presence in the EU. Drawing on the party-voters linkage concept, this chapter examines whether such assumptions can be confirmed. It covers societal attitudes and manifestos of the main ruling party and main opposition parties in Poland, PO and PiS, in the period from 2004 to 2019. The chapter shows that party manifestos do not show signs of radical de-Europeanisation (like, for example, calls for withdrawal from the EU) but a limited refocusing of EU issues. One exception was PiS’s open rejection to accept the Euro currency in the future. This mixed strategy is explained by differentiated positions among the party’s electorate over EU issues.
The Functioning of the Early Warning System in the Years 2010‑2016 and Prospects for Its ReformDuring the Convention on the future of Europe and subsequent intergovernmental conferences in 2003‑2004 and 2007, high hopes were associated with the Early Warning System (EWS) in subsidiarity control procedures. Today, the main complaint formulated against EWS is its low efficiency, and at least its unused potential. Three executions of the yellow card procedure and the failure to run the orange card procedure seems to confirm the complaint. The results of institutional and statistical research presented in the article confirm that EWS instruments, such as reasoned opinions and the mechanisms of yellow and orange cards lose their attractiveness over more flexible instruments such as political dialogue with the European Commission and the so called contribution tool within the relation with the European Parliament. The reason for this is the difficulty in obtaining the required number of votes by national parliaments, but also the lack of uniform criteria for examining the principle of subsidiarity within national legislatures. The article also presents current debate on improving the EWS mechanism and introducing new procedures such as the “green card”.
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