This study furthers the inquiry into the relationship between human rights and U.S. bilateral foreign aid. We build the most comprehensive data set to date, extending the time period (1976–1995) and enlarging the number of countries under review (140). Rhetoric aside, human rights considerations did play a role in determining whether or not a state received military aid during the Reagan and Bush administrations, but not for the Carter or Clinton administration. With the exception of the Clinton administration, human rights was a determinant factor in the decision to grant economic aid, albeit of secondary importance. To the question “Does a state's human rights record affect the amount of U.S. bilateral aid it receives?” we answer yes for economic aid, but no for military aid. Human rights considerations are neither the only nor the primary consideration in aid allocation.
This article argues that the chief challenge for developing and sustaining internationalization in the context of the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century is the engagement of the faculty. It argues that although higher education has been successful in providing mechanisms for student mobility because institutions have not successfully engaged the faculty that mobility is not as sizeable as it should be, but also, in and of itself, will not deliver the learning, discovery, and engagement that we seek through internationalization. To capture the faculty's interest in, and commitment to, internationalization, we need to move beyond the conceptualization of the internationalization or globalization of higher education in terms of how the different aspects of teaching, research, and service functions of the university are becoming more "internationalized" and examine how these activities encourage greater learning and discovery. Our challenge is to convince faculty that their scholarship and teaching will benefit from these efforts by considering the risk and reward structures within our institutions and faculty cultures.Every decade brings new challenges and opportunities for the further internationalization of higher education. Currently, we confront political, social, economic, communication, technological, and demographic changes that challenge existing models and approaches to higher education across the globe while also creating opportunities for interesting and creative new models, programs, and flows of students to develop.
This special issue challenges scholars to consider the theoretical, methodological, and practical implications of viewing organizations as 'constituted in and through human communication.' Interrogating the work of one of the most influential approaches to the study of the constitutive nature of organizing, the oeuvre of James Taylor and his colleagues or what has become known as the Montreal School, we identify an implicit assumption of organizational transparency. We suggest that unpacking 'the transparency principle' helps build a richer framework that builds upon the foundations of the Montreal School, facilitates empirical inquiry, and highlights several aspects of the social context which are typically taken for granted within organizational studies. Expanding Taylor et al.'s orientation to clandestine organizations, we address the question posed by the editors in the call for papers: 'How does a communication-as-constitutive of organization's perspective shape understandings of the organization's embeddedness in social contexts?' Clandestine organizations embody secret agency and intriguing possibilities for understanding the ways in which social actors communicatively constitute organizations. The metaconversations of clandestine organizing take place in a complex socio-political historical context, and exploration of these metaconversations not only furthers our understanding of illicit and clandestine systems but also provides new insights into the communicative constitution of contemporary organizations in general.
Codes of Ethics, globalization, corporate social responsibility, first generation rights, second generation rights, third generation rights,
This paper reports some preliminary findings on the relationships between United States policies towards human rights as it is expressed in Presidential policy and U.S. military and economic assistance to nations which have a substantial record of human rights threats and abuses. It examines these relationships from the start of the Nixon presidency through the end of the Carter administration. The statistical findings indicate that under Presidents Nixon and Ford foreign assistance was directly related to levels of human rights violations, i.e. more aid flowed to regimes with higher levels of violation, while under President Carter no clear statistical pattern emerged. It is concluded, therefore, that the Carter administration did not implement a policy of human rights which actually guided the disposition of military and economic assistance.
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