This article dialogues Polanyi and Bourdieu to propose a new research agenda within the sociology of cultural production. Extending recent literature on hipsters, this iconic figure is shifted from the world of consumption to the world of production via Bourdieu's conceptualisation of the new petite bourgeoisie. Using secondary empirical material of cultural micro-enterprises, two idealtypical career strategies are sketched: cultural-capital oriented seeking to secure positions within established creative industries, and economic-capital orientated stylising 'old' petite bourgeoisie occupations to access economic returns. However, within the context of ongoing austerity policies, Bourdieu's economic capital does not fully account for the variegated forms of material resources these nascent enterprises draw on. Bringing Polanyi's modes of economic integration -reciprocity, redistribution and exchange -to Bourdieu opens new questions on how hipster capitalism is the practice of intermediating between these 'backstage' material modes and the 'frontstage' selling of style.
There are growing calls for social network analysis methods to be more extensively deployed in environmental governance practice. A key claim is that social network analysis can generate knowledge to build trust, enable consensus, and facilitate the dissemination of information necessary to make environmental protection 'successful'. By bringing social network analysis into dialogue with heterodox social theories relevant to human geographers and cognate social scientists, this article destabilizes such claims. It is argued that the current application of social network analysis enacts a particular moral and political emphasis on resilience and participation, which readily works with the grain of hegemonic environmental governance.
When New Zealand's 'third-way' Labour government came to power in 1999 it placed a greater policy and funding emphasis on the arts and culture. Like other 'promotional states' (Cloonan 1999) the Labour government sought to support the domestic popular music industry through a voluntary radio quota. Drawing on qualitative research, this article describes the ways in which the state, through New Zealand on Air, negotiates and leverages domestic popular music artists onto commercial radio. In this process, state agents mobilise social networks to 'join-up' commercially appropriate artists to radio programmers. The success of this programme is based upon state agents developing an institutional isomorphism with existing music industry practices. Even so, popular music makers contest New Zealand on Air's sympathetic policy settings by citing forms of institutional exclusion.
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