Four chlorinated solvents-methylene chloride, perchloroethene (PCE), 1,1,1-trichloroethane, and trichloroethene (TCE)-were analyzed in samples of groundwater taken throughout the conterminous United States by the U.S. Geological Survey. The samples were collected between 1985 and 2002 from more than 5,000 wells. Of 55 volatile organic compounds (VOCs) analyzed in groundwater samples, solvents were among the most frequently detected. Mixtures of solvents in groundwater were common and may be the result of common usage of solvents or degradation of one solvent to another. Relative to other VOCs with Maximum Contaminant Levels (MCLs), PCE and TCE ranked high in terms of the frequencies of concentrations greater than or near MCLs. The probability of occurrence of solvents in groundwater was associated with dissolved oxygen content of groundwater, sources such as urban land use and population density, and hydraulic properties of the aquifer. The results reinforce the importance of understanding the redox conditions of aquifers and the hydraulic properties of the saturated and vadose zones in determining the intrinsic susceptibility of groundwater to contamination by solvents. The results also reinforce the importance of controlling sources of solvents to groundwater.
As part of the National Water-Quality Assessment Program of the U.S. Geological Survey, an assessment of 60 volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in untreated, ambient groundwater of the conterminous United States was conducted based on samples collected from 2948 wells between 1985 and 1995. The samples represent urban and rural areas and drinking-water and nondrinking-water wells. A reporting level of 0.2 μg/L was used with the exception of 1,2-dibromo-3-chloropropane, which had a reporting level of 1.0 μg/L. Because ambient groundwater was targeted, areas of known point-source contamination were excluded from this assessment. VOC concentrations generally were low; 56% of the concentrations were less than 1 μg/L. In urban areas, 47% of the sampled wells had at least one VOC, and 29% had two or more VOCs; furthermore, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency drinking-water criteria were exceeded in 6.4% of all sampled wells and in 2.5% of the sampled drinking-water wells. In rural areas, 14% of the sampled wells had at least one VOC; furthermore, drinking-water criteria were exceeded in 1.5% of all sampled wells and in 1.3% of the sampled drinking-water wells. Solvent compounds and the fuel oxygenate methyl tert-butyl ether were among the most frequently detected VOCs in urban and rural areas. It was determined that the probability of finding VOCs in untreated groundwater can be estimated on the basis of a logistic regression model by using population density as an explanatory variable. Although there are limitations to this national scale model, it fit the data from 2354 wells used for model development and adequately estimated the VOC presence in samples from 589 wells used for model validation. Model estimates indicate that 7% (6−9% on the basis of one standard error) of the ambient groundwater resources of the United States probably contain at least one VOC at a reporting level of 0.2 μg/L. Groundwater is used in these areas by 42 million people (35−50 million based on one standard error); however, human exposure to VOCs from this ambient groundwater is uncertain because the quality of the finished drinking water is generally unknown.
misunderstanding the regulatory state?In the last quarter of the twentieth century something transformed government across the advanced capitalist world, and a large amount of comparative political enquiry is now concerned with pinning a convincing label on that transformation. Of the many candidates the subject of this review article has proved especially popular. As I will show, a regulatory state is now commonly said to exist in a wide range of geographical and institutional settings: writers speak of a regulatory state in the United States and in Britain; of the European regulatory state; and even of refinements like ‘a regulatory state inside the state’.
Samples of untreated groundwater from 1255 domestic drinking-water wells and 242 public supply wells were analyzed as part of the National Water-Quality Assessment Program of the U.S. Geological Survey between 1992 and 1999. Wells were sampled to define the regional quality of the groundwater resource and, thus, were distributed geographically across large aquifers, primarily in rural areas. For each sample, as many as 60 volatile organic compounds (VOCs), 83 pesticides, and nitrate were analyzed. On the basis of previous studies, nitrate concentrations as nitrogen g3 mg/L were considered to have an anthropogenic origin. VOCs were detected more frequently (44%) than pesticides (38%) or anthropogenic nitrate (28%). Seventy percent of the samples contained at least one VOC, pesticide, or anthropogenic nitrate; 47% contained at least two compounds; and 33% contained at least three compounds. The combined concentrations of VOCs and pesticides ranged from about 0.001 to 100 µg/L, with a median of 0.02 µg/L. Water from about 12% of the wells contained one or more compounds that exceeded U.S. Environmental Protection Agency drinking-water standards or human health criteria, primarily because of nitrate concentrations exceeding the maximum contaminant level in domestic wells. A mixture is defined as a unique combination of two or more particular compounds, regardless of the presence of other compounds that may occur in the same sample. There were 100 mixtures (significantly associated with agricultural land use) that had a detection frequency between 2% and 19%. There were 302 mixtures (significantly associated with urban land use) that had a detection frequency between 1% and <2%. Only 14 compounds (seven VOCs, six pesticides, and nitrate) contributed over 95% of the detections in these 402 mixtures; however, most samples with these mixtures also contain a variety of other compounds.
This article redresses an imbalance in the study of the welfare state: the comparative neglect of health-care programmes as sources of evidence about the changing politics of the welfare state. It explains why health care should be central to our understanding of the welfare state; summarises the present debates about the pressures on welfare states; explains how to think about health-care governance in this connection; develops a typology of 'health-care states'; and shows how the experience of health care reflects, and how it departs from, the wider experience of welfare states. Understanding the welfare stateDebates about health-care policy should be central to our understanding of the contemporary welfare state, for some obvious reasons. In the bundle of goods and services commonly packaged up in the welfare state health care is a major component-whether we measure by resources consumed, numbers employed in creating and delivering health-care goods and services, historical importance in the statecraft that built welfare states, or the subjective attachment of citizens to the services of health-care institutions. Yet oddly, the literature on health-care policy is often semi-detached from the wider literature on the welfare state, being immersed instead in its own specialist controversies; conversely, writings on the welfare state often seem to marginalise health-care policy. Though any observer of the welfare
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