In two separate experiments, P300 was recorded from overnight-abstaining smokers before and after smoking. In the first experiment, 32 subjects counted forward by ones and counted backwards by threes upon presentation of a rare tone burst (20%) in a stream of standard tones. There were no changes in P300 amplitude or latency pre- to post-smoking (1.1-mg FTC nicotine-yield cigarette). In the second experiment, 29 subjects completed auditory and visual oddball tasks before smoking, after smoking a low nicotine-yield cigarette (0.05 mg), after smoking a higher nicotine-yield cigarette (1.1-mg), and after smoking a second 1.1-mg cigarette. In the visual oddball task, P300 latency decreased after smoking the first higher-yield cigarette relative to both pre-smoking and post smoking the lower-yield cigarette. This effect was maintained after smoking the second higher-yield cigarette. In the visual task, P300 amplitude increased after smoking the first higher-yield cigarette (from a lower baseline level) in a group of subjects with larger changes in tidal-breath CO but not in a group with smaller changes in CO. There were no effects of smoking on P300 amplitude or latency in the auditory tasks of either the first or second experiment.

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Phonological and semantic processing was studied using high-resolution event-related brain potentials (ERPs) during a sentence-matching task to investigate the spatial distribution of the phonological mismatch negativity (PMN) and the N400 response. It was hypothesized that the two components were spatially separable and that the activity matched prior localization knowledge. Participants examined visual-auditory sentence pairs that related within a semantic hierarchy (e.g., visual: "The man is teaching in the classroom"; Auditory: "The man is in the em leader school/barn"). Semantic congruency was varied for the final words of the spoken sentences. Incongruent words mismatched expectation in terms of both the initial phonological features (unexpected sound) and semantic features (unexpected meaning). In addition, the category-exemplar probability of the final words was either high or low, with low probability words being more difficult to anticipate. Low probability words were predicted to selectively affect PMN activity. We found that incongruent words elicited a PMN (287 msec) and a N400 (424 msec), for both the high and low probability words. As expected, low probability congruent words elicited a small PMN but no N400. In contrast, high probability congruent words elicited neither a detectible PMN nor a N400. The primary PMN sources were in left inferior frontal and inferior parietal lobes. The primary N400 source activation occurred along the left perisylvian cortex, consistent with prior N400 source localization work. From these results, it was concluded that the PMN and N400 were localized to separate cortical language (and memory) regions and had different source activation patterns.

Reaction time (RT), movement time (MT), and the amplitude and latency of the P300 event-related potential were recorded from 30 Ss during the performance of 6 simple cognitive tasks. Extraversion was negatively associated with MT, a result that endorses the view that extraversion is determined, in part, by individual differences in motor mechanisms. Higher neuroticism scores were associated with faster P300 latency, a measure that is regarded as an index of stimulus evaluation time that is independent of response production. Paradoxically, higher neuroticism scores were associated with slower RT, a measure that is also regarded as an index of speed of information processing. Higher psychoticism scores were associated with smaller P300 amplitude, an effect that may be indicative of less attentional effort invested in the tasks.