The resurgence of informal street trading poses serious challenges for local officials responsible for the maintenance of public space. This article contextualises the tension between public space recuperation and informality, providing a detailed case study of Bogotá, Colombia (population 7.6 million). From 1988 to 2003, Bogotá's mayors implemented one of the most ambitious public space campaigns in Latin America. The `tipping-points' behind Bogotá's transition are illuminated with emphasis on the introduction of free mayoral elections and the enervation of informal vendor unions. Using a cohort panel design, this research also examines the working conditions and occupational hazards faced by vendors both before and after relocation to government-built markets. It reveals how formalised vendors experienced declining income levels, but improved working conditions. The final section examines public policy implications and the extent to which Bogotá's experience follows traditional models of public space planning in Latin America and the Caribbean.

a Creative Commons IGO 3.0 Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives (CC-IGO BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ igo/legalcode) and may be reproduced with attribution to the IDB and for any noncommercial purpose. No derivative work is allowed.Any dispute related to the use of the works of the IDB that cannot be settled amicably shall be submitted to arbitration pursuant to the UNCITRAL rules. The use of the IDB's name for any purpose other than for attribution, and the use of IDB's logo shall be subject to a separate written license agreement between the IDB and the user and is not authorized as part of this CC-IGO license.Note that link provided above includes additional terms and conditions of the license.The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Inter-American Development Bank, its Board of Directors, or the countries they represent. CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA PROVIDED BY THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FELIPE HERRERA LIBRARY Mycoo, Michelle.A blue urban agenda: adapting to climate change in the coastal cities of Caribbean and Pacific small island developing states Michelle Mycoo, Michael G. Donovan. TAbLE Of CONTENTS 3.3Urban Profile of Caribbean and Pacific SIDS Photo 0,10,23,37,Chapter 2,7 Chapter 4, 5, photo 44,45,46,47,52 14,15,16,17,18,19,20,21. Guyana. June, 2010 Stabroeknews -www.Stabroeknews.com http://www.stabroeknews. com/2013/news/stories/04/29/high-tides-flood-parts-of-georgetown-westcoast. Author: Arian Browne Photo 24. Nassau, Bahamas. October, 2015 Source: IDB photogallery. Author: Willie Heinz Photos 25,27,28,29. Photos 30,31,32,33,34,43, Chapter 6. Bridgetown, Barbados Portfolio ESC. HUD Division. August 11, 2016 Regional Responses of Caribbean Agencies 13 LIST Of phOTOS Coastal cities of Caribbean and Pacific Small Island DevelopingStates (SIDS) are highly vulnerable and will be among the earliest and most affected by climate change in the coming decades. Approximately 29 million people reside in Caribbean and Pacific SIDS, 4.2 million of which reside in low-elevation coastal zones (LECZs) located less than 10 meters above the sea level. The cost of damage to critical infrastructure that supports human settlements along the coast that results from rising sea levels will be a financial burden to many SIDS. By 2100, the cost of rising sea levels as a percentage of GDP will be highest among SIDS and enormous relative to the size of their economies. Impacts could include a decline in national output, inflation, increasing debt, revenue loss, and employment decline. Adapting and improving the resilience of cities in coastal zones of SIDS, especially those experiencing rapid urbanisation, remains critical.The unique patterns of urban growth in SIDS increase their vulnerability to climate change. This model includes: SIDS can seize opportunities to minimise the impact of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as rising sea levels and natural hazards on their ur...

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Any dispute related to the use of the works of the IDB that cannot be settled amicably shall be submitted to arbitration pursuant to the UNCITRAL rules. The use of the IDB's name for any purpose other than for attribution, and the use of IDB's logo shall be subject to a separate written license agreement between the IDB and the user and is not authorized as part of this CC-IGO license. Note that link provided above includes additional terms and conditions of the license.

The modern world is composed of unstable landscapes in which boundaries, horizons, and attendant possibilities of living in the world change with dizzying rapidity. Likewise, the experience of modernity is often described in terms of peoples' attenuated attachments to the places they inhabit (Jameson 1991; Harvey 1989; Soja 1989). Such tenuous, at times chimeric, connections between persons and places, to up the ante between subjectivity(ies) and the place-bound artifice of habit and custom, pose some pressing analytical challenges to those who are interested in cultural description.

The state of housing in six Caribbean countries / prepared by Pauline McHardy and Michael G. Donovan. p. cm.-(IDB Monograph ; 426) Includes bibliographic references. 1. Housing-Caribbean Area. 2. Housing policy-Caribbean Area. 3. Urbanization-Caribbean Area. 4. Sustainable development-Caribbean Area. I. Donovan, Michael G. II. Inter-American Development Bank. Fiscal and Municipal Management Division. III. Title. IV. Series.

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This article describes the development of family farms within a Kipsigis community in western Kenya. In Kenya, throughout rural Africa, and elsewhere in the "developing world," family farms figure as key discursive and geographic spaces where the "development process" is located (see Crehan and von Oppen 1988, McCracken 1982, Ferguson 1990). Family farms are hybrid spaces where individual, local, state-based, and various "expert" visions of development intersect. They have the added virtue of being places whose geographic, historical and cultural specificity makes them accessible to ethnographic description. 1 In describing the development of family farms, this article moves back and forth in time and location, combining elements of narrative history, and life history with my own exegesis of structural, cultural, and geographic changes that are specific to Kipsigis country, but which should also be familiar in other parts of the developing world. As a centerpiece I present an ethnographic vignette describing one man's efforts to build a family farm and the family drama this precipitates. My aims are to convey some sense of the lived, felt, and remembered experiences of the rapid spatial and geographic changes transforming Kipsigis country, and to connect this phenomenological description of a changing landscape to broad transformative processes conventionally associatedby both Kipsigis and various outsiders-with the term "rural development." Employing the metaphor of development's imprint on the landscape, it is crucial to recognize that "'development'" and "'landscape'" are fluid and changeable cultural constructions. Each continues to shape the other in a dialectic involving an ever-expanding field of power, at its nexus, the intimate geography of family farms (cf. Anderson 1983, Carter 1988, Cohen and Odhiambo 1989). How, for example, do Kipsigis women, traditionally identified as cultivators, adapt "customary" work groups to the new social and spatial realities of family farms? And how do these customs connect to "women-centered" ideologies of development advanced by the state and other agencies? How do Kipsigis men-classic herders, warriors and managers of a semi-pastoral economyadjust a mobile and acquisitive relationship with their landscape to the parochial and finite spaces of family farms? How are new forms of value influ