Waiting for uncertain news is often distressing, at times even more distressing than facing bad news. The goal of this article was to investigate strategies for "waiting well" during these periods of uncertainty. Specifically, we propose 2 definitions of waiting well. First, people can wait in such a way as to ease their distress during the waiting period. Second, people could wait in such a way as to ease the pain of bad news or enhance the thrill of good news. We conducted a longitudinal study of law graduates (N = 230) awaiting their result on the California bar exam. Participants completed questionnaires prior to the exam, every 2 weeks during the 4-month waiting period, and shortly after learning whether they passed or failed. Cross-lagged models revealed that participants were quite unsuccessful at waiting well by our first definition. That is, their coping strategies were ineffective for reducing distress associated with uncertainty, apparently even backfiring in some cases. However, multiple regression analyses examining relationships between waiting experiences and responses to good and bad news found that many participants were successful at waiting well according to our second definition: Participants who suffered through a waiting period marked by anxiety, rumination, and pessimism responded more productively to bad news and more joyfully to good news, as compared with participants who suffered little during the wait. These findings substantiate the difficulty of enduring a stressful waiting period but suggest that this difficulty may pay off once the news arrives.
Worry is an aversive emotional experience that arises alongside repetitive unpleasant thoughts about the future. In this paper, we argue that although extreme levels of worry are associated with depressed mood, poor physical health, and even mental illness, worry has an upside. We focus on two empirically supported benefits of worry: its motivational benefits and its benefit as an emotional buffer. Regarding motivation, worry illuminates the importance of taking action to prevent an undesirable outcome and keeps the situation at the front of one's mind to ensure that appropriate action is taken. It also triggers efforts to mitigate the consequences of bad news, motivates productive behavior that in turn reduces worry, and enhances the effectiveness of goal‐directed action by prompting people to focus on obstacles that might derail best‐laid plans. Worry can also serve as an emotional buffer by providing a desirable contrast to subsequent affective reactions, particularly for people who are prone to high levels of worry.
Whether awaiting biopsy results, a grade on a midterm, or a decision from a journal editor, people feel distressed as they wait for uncertain news. In the present study, we investigated how people's perceptions of their romantic partner, specifically their partner's responsiveness to their support needs, corresponds with key aspects of the waiting experience. In a longitudinal study of 184 law students awaiting their result on the California bar exam, we examined changes in perceived responsiveness over time and associations between perceived responsiveness and expectation management strategies, health, and well-being. Results revealed temporal patterns in perceived responsiveness, with the greatest responsiveness perceived at the start and end of the wait. Perceived responsiveness was also intertwined with efforts to manage one's expectations while awaiting uncertain news and was associated with more positive emotions, better subjective coping, and greater self-reported sleep quality during the wait.
We examined the potential influence of family characteristics on ego identity and self-esteem among emerging adults. College students (N = 210, M = 19.52 years, 65% women) completed measures of self-esteem, ego-identity, and family functioning (General Family Functioning, Communication, Roles, Affective Responsiveness, Affective Involvement, and Behavior Control). In a multiple regression analysis, self-esteem was predicted by ego identity, general family functioning, and gender. Similarly, when ego-identity was the criterion variable, it was predicted by self-esteem, general family functioning, and gender. We further examined the nature of these relations using a path model. Healthy family functioning predicted stronger ego identity which in turn was predictive of higher self-esteem. In addition, being male was significantly related to higher self-esteem whereas being female was related to higher ego identity.Author Note. Jennifer Schumacher completed this research as partial fulfillment of requirements for an independent research course at Marian University. The work was presented at the 2007 Butler Undergraduate Research Conference (April 13, 2007).We thank Laura Soto and Isaac Howlett for their assistance in collecting and scoring the data and Dr. Faye Plascak-Craig for her advice on path modeling.Correspondence concerning the article should be addressed to Laurel Camp, Department of Psychology, 3200 Cold Spring Road, Marian University, Indianapolis, IN 46222. E-mail: lcamp@ marian.edu. identity were associated with families who provided emotional support and simultaneously encouraged independence (Cooper, Grotevant, & Condon, 1983). Olson et al. (1983) concluded that balanced levels of family adaptability (flexibility and structure) and family cohesion (togetherness and separateness) were essential to adolescent identity development. Similarly, strong family emotional bonds were associated with higher levels of identity achievement in emerging adults (Mullis et al., 2003).However, parents who judge and devalue their adolescent child may impede identity development (Arnett, 2001). Adolescents with low levels of identity formation reported hostile fighting and/or a lack of communication with their parents (Cooper et al., 1983). In addition, Quintana and Lapsley (1990) found that high levels of parental control were associated with delayed identity development in both adolescents and young adults. Self-EsteemMany family characteristics, including perceived parental nurturance, communication, availability, marital satisfaction, family structure, and family size, have been linked to adolescent self-esteem levels. Adolescents with high self-esteem tend to perceive parents as supportive, affectionate, effective communicators, and active participants in their lives (Barber, Chadwick, & Oerter, 1992; Gecas & Schwalbe, 1986; Matteson, 1974). Higher self-esteem was also related to having parents who rated marriage as satisfying (Mandara & Murray, 2000; Parish & Wigle, 1985) and was negatively related to famil...
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