Few quantitative studies of U.S. intervention have focused specifically on interventions in Third World internal wars and few have taken account of the wide range of U.S. intervention behaviors. To provide empirical analyses of the causes of U.S. intervention in such wars, this study tested three groups of hypotheses emphasizing strategic and economic interests and domestic factors of foreign policy. Cases are Third World internal wars that occurred during the period from 1945 to 1989. Results show that half of the hypotheses concerning strategic interests received empirical support, whereas hypotheses stressing the importance of economic interests received little support. The hypotheses emphasizing domestic factors supported in the literature of war or use of force are not supported when they are tested in the context of U.S. interventions in Third World internal wars.
This study examines the relative impacts of social, economic, cultural, and political determinants on women's legislative representation in sub‐Saharan Africa by using an ordinary least squares multiple regression model. Under study are sub‐Saharan African countries that held democratic legislative elections between January 1990 and June 30, 2001. Only the latest election in each country is included for analysis. My study finds that patriarchal culture, proportional representation systems, and gender quotas are statistically significant. This study, by focusing on sub‐Saharan Africa, fills a gap in the extant literature, which has focused on women's legislative representation in advanced industrialized democracies.
This study examines the changes that followed the rise in the number of female parliamentarians in the Tanzanian legislature and the contextual factors undermining the potential power of the increased number of female MPs. As found in a number of other countries, with more women in parliament, women's interests, concerns and perspective have been better incorporated into parliamentary debates and policy-making in Tanzania. However, the increase in female parliamentary representation challenges the existence of the special-seat system that helped women reach a large minority. The effectiveness of female MPs in Tanzania will improve only with a stronger legislature and a sturdier opposition. If the special-seat system is to remain, a new selection mechanism that allows direct cross-party competition among special-seat candidates should be considered to bring better qualified women into parliament.Keywords: a critical mass; a large minority; women's legislative representation; women in the Tanzanian legislature Women's representation in the Tanzanian parliament (or Bunge in Kiswahili) has increased over time (Table 1). In the previous parliament (2005Á10), women occupied 99 (30.65%) of 323 parliamentary seats. In line with the 2005 African Union's call for 50% representation of women at all levels of political decisionmaking positions by 2015, the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Revolutionary Party) put forth a target of 50/50 representation by men and women in politics by 2010 through its election manifesto in 2005. As the next election, on 31 October 2010, came closer, pressure mounted for a constitutional change or for a significant number of female candidates for constituency seats to put the CCM's words into action. However, the preliminary parliamentary election results suggest that it is not likely that the country will significantly increase its female legislative representation without a substantial increase in the number of parliamentary seats reserved for women. As of 3 November 2010, only 20 women were elected in constituencies, with no results yet from seven constituencies where parliamentary elections are delayed until 14 November due to election irregularities. Currently, Rwanda where women occupy 56.3% of 80 seats in the Rwandan Chamber of Deputies (lower house) Á is the only African country that met the African Union's 50% target.Though women's numerical representation in the Tanzanian parliament is far short of the 50% target set by the African Union, Tanzania sets itself apart from *
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