Using self-discrepancy theory as a theoretical framework, this study examines the interactive effects of self-monitoring and type of self-guide (i.e., own vs. other standpoint) on the relationship between self-discrepancies and affective states. Over two sessions, 294 undergraduates completed the Self-Monitoring Scale, the Selves Questionnaire (either from the own or other standpoint), the Beck Depression Inventory, the Hopkins Symptom Checklist, and the Social Anxiety subscale of the Self-Consciousness Scale. For low self-monitors, depression and anxiety were predicted only by self-discrepancies from the own standpoint on the self. For high self-monitors, depression and anxiety were more strongly predicted by self-discrepancies from the other than the own standpoint on the self. The authors discuss the role of individual differences in understanding when self-discrepancies have implications for individuals' affective states.According to early self-theorists (e.g., Cooley, 1902Cooley, / 1964 James, 1890James, /1896Mead, 1934), individuals experience continuity of the self and at the same time possess many self-beliefs. At any point in time, however, only a limited number of self-beliefs can be actively processed. Those self-relevant beliefs that are accessible at any point in time have been defined as constituting the working self-concept (Markus & Kunda, 1986). Markus and Wurf (1987) argued that the information constituting the working self-concept can be influenced both by internal introspective processes and by the external context within which the self is situated. For example, the working self-concept can be based on a reflection of one's personal goals, needs, or values and/or be influenced by expectations and perceptions of important others.There are likely to be chronic individual differences in the extent to which people rely on internal versus external sources of information in constructing the working self-concept. We pursue the question of whether individual differences in personality regulate the strength of the relationship between the valence of one's self-related beliefs and emotional states such as anxiety and depression. For individuals who chronically construct their self-concepts on the basis of internal information, situationally salient internal self-relevant information should exert a greater influence on their emotional states than situationally salient external self-relevant information. In contrast, for people who chronically construct their self-concepts on the basis of external information, situationally salient external self-relevant information should exert a greater influence on their emotional states than would situationally

Two studies were conducted as an initial test of the temporal and contextual stability of the Generation Identification Scale (GIS; Finkelstein, Gonnerman, & Johnson, presented at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Society for Industrial and Organization Psychology, Atlanta, Georgia, April 29-May 2 1999). In the first study, we found that both the long and short forms of the GIS exhibited high internal consistency and test-retest reliability over a 1-month period. In the second study, we found GIS scores remained stable following a brief work-relevant contextual manipulation of age salience. GIS scores were unrelated to a written measure of spontaneous self-concept. Implications for the use of the generation identity construct and ideas for additional construct validation research of the GIS are discussed.

The roles religious and health promoting behaviors may play in bolstering positive physical and emotional health were assessed using structured, face-to-face interviews conducted using a non-random community sample of 105 adult African American, Protestant Christians in a small city in a rural state in the Midwest. The interview measured health promotion, health locus of control beliefs, emotional health, physical health, religious practices, and demographics. Health promotion, church attendance, or both were related to decreased prevalence of loneliness, depression, trouble sleeping, and family problems. More than 80% of those interviewed ascribed healing power to God and prayer. There was an apparent lack of connection between respondents' attitudes about faith and healing and their actual experiences.

No abstract

No abstract