There has been an explosion of within-profession studies examining standings on gender representation in advancement, publication patterns, and conference presentations. However, industrial and organizational (I-O) psychology has yet to take such an introspective look and fully join these conversations. This manuscript aims to initiate and encourage such discussion. Through a brief review of relevant background information and the collection and analysis of recent archival data, we seek to examine where we have been with regard to gender representation, where we currently stand, and what steps are needed moving forward. We aim to stimulate continued examinations on this topic while recommending appropriate action items relevant to achieving equity in representation in our field.
Conversation on Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault Through Workplace Training." SIOP regrets the error. "Look at that face. Would anyone vote for that? Can you imagine that, the face of our next president? I mean, she's a woman, and I'm not supposed to say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?"-Donald Trump talking about Carly Fiorina during a Rolling Stone interview, September 2015 We completely agree that the issue raised in the focal article by Medeiros and Griffith (2019) is extremely important and timely, and we commend the authors for spearheading this discussion. Although we agree with the spirit of this focal article, we wish to provide an important clarification to the perspective offered by the authors. Medeiros and Griffith focus their discussion on sexual harassment that is limited to sexual behaviors enacted toward victims (e.g., sexual advances or sexual assault). Specifically, they drew heavily on the literature on college campus sexual assault, mentioned that sexual harassment and sexual assault exist on a continuum and are characterized by an "escalating nature," and referenced numerous explicit sexual behaviors in their examples (e.g., sexual advances, sexual assault). Their discussion of training interventions was also focused completely on preventing sexually motivated infractions. Although workplace sexual harassment may involve sexualized comments or behavior, contemporary frameworks conceptualize sexual harassment as being not about sex but about maintaining power and social status on the part of the harasser (Berdahl & Raver, 2011). In the following sections, we discuss this perspective in detail, highlighting three key implications of including a broader "sexual-harassment-as-sexism" definition and discussing how this perspective may change some of the recommendations in the focal article. Sexual harassment may not look like or be motivated by sexual intent Sexual harassment was traditionally defined as involving unwanted sexual behavior committed mostly by men directed mostly toward women. It was thought that such behavior was caused by biological factors-specifically men's purportedly stronger sex drive and desire for sexual expression and gratification (Berdahl & Raver, 2011; Tangri, Burt, & Johnson, 1982). It later became clear, however, that sexual harassment takes more sexist than sexual forms, and scholars and U.S. law now define sexual harassment more broadly as behavior that "derogates, demeans, or
Lack of safe and stable housing is a pernicious and growing social concern, and stereotypes about individuals experiencing houselessness are generally quite negative. Little scholarly work has examined housing insecurity and its associated stereotypes in employment contexts. The purpose of the current research was to examine, in the context of the hospitality industry, whether housing status influences hiring managers' perceptions of hireability (Study 1) and customers' evaluations of an organization and its employees (Study 2) using the stereotype content model. Across two experimental studies, we assessed participant attitudes toward individuals experiencing houselessness. In Study 1, we instructed 148 hotel managers to listen to a hypothetical job interview with either an unhoused or housed job applicant, and then complete measures of hireability. In Study 2, we instructed 139 hotel customers to observe a hypothetical interaction with either an unhoused or housed employee, and then evaluate the employee and the organization. Study 1's findings suggested an indirect effect of housing status on perceived hireability through warmth, and this indirect relationship was moderated by gender. Men who were houseless were rated lower in warmth, and thus lower in hireability, than non‐houseless men or women regardless of their housing status. However, houseless men were perceived by customers as warmer than non‐houseless men as employees, driving higher evaluations of the organization and the employee (Study 2). Hiring initiatives targeted at providing short‐term housing for unhoused employees will benefit employees, employers, and the larger communities they encompass.
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