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ObjectiveThe objective was to examine levels of, correlates of and changes in the use of individual and grouped methods of contraception among US females aged 15–44 from 2008 to 2014.Study designUsing three rounds of the National Survey of Family Growth, we analyzed samples of 12,279 (2008), 5601 (2012) and 5699 (2014) females. We conducted simple and multivariable logistic regression analyses to identify associations between demographic characteristics and contraceptive use, as well as between characteristics and changes in use patterns.ResultsIn terms of overall trends in contraceptive use between 2008 and 2014, there was no significant change in the proportion of women who used a method among either all women (60%) or those at risk of unintended pregnancy (90%). Significant changes in use occurred among six methods. The largest increase in use was among users of long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) methods, including the intrauterine device and implant — from 6% to 14% — across almost all population groups of female contraceptive users, while the largest decrease occurred among users of sterilization — from 37% to 28% — with lower-income women driving the decline in female sterilization and higher-income women driving the decline in a partner’s sterilization as a primary method. Moderate increases were seen in the use of withdrawal and natural family planning.ConclusionMost shifts in recent contraceptive use have occurred among the most effective methods — sterilization and LARCs. Differences in method-specific user characteristics underscore the importance of ensuring full access to the broad range of methods available.ImplicationsThe lack of change in the overall use of contraceptives among women at risk for unintended pregnancy may have implications for the extent to which further declines in national rates of unintended pregnancy can be expected.

Objectives To examine trends in use of long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) methods — the IUD and implant — and the extent to which these methods have replaced permanent sterilization and less-effective short-acting methods. Design We tabulated data from female survey respondents overall and by demographic subgroups. We performed t-tests of the differences in the proportions of female contraceptors using LARC in 2007 and 2009. We also looked at use of LARC, sterilization, other methods and no method among women at risk of unintended pregnancy. Setting Secondary analysis of the 2002 and 2006–2010 National Survey of Family Growth, an in-home, nationally representative survey of women 15–44. Patients All female respondents to the surveys. Interventions None. Main outcome measures Current use of LARC methods in 2009, and change in use from 2007. Results The proportion of contraceptors using LARC increased significantly from 2.4% in 2002 to 3.7% in 2007 and 8.5% in 2009. The increase occurred among women in almost every age, race, education and income group. Among women at risk of unintended pregnancy, increases in LARC use more than offset decreases in sterilization. Conclusions LARC methods (primarily IUDs) are contributing to an increase in contraceptive effectiveness in the United States.

OBJECTIVE To examine current levels, current correlates of, and changes in long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) use, including intrauterine devices and implants, among females aged 15–44 years using contraception between 2008–2010 and 2011–2013 with specific attention to associations between race, income, and age and their LARC use. METHODS We analyzed data from two rounds of the National Survey of Family Growth, nationally representative samples of females aged 15–44 years, consisting of 6,428 females in 2008–2010 and 5,601 females in 2011–2013. We conducted simple and multivariable logistic regression analyses with adjustments for the sampling design to identify demographic characteristics predictive of LARC use and changes in these patterns between the two time periods. In this cross-sectional, descriptive study, our primary outcome of interest was current prevalence of LARC use among all contraceptive users at the time of the interview. RESULTS The prevalence of LARC use among contracepting U.S. females increased from 8.5% in 2009 to 11.6% in 2012 (P<.01). The most significant increases occurred among Hispanic females (from 8.5% to 15.1%), those with private insurance (7.1–11.1%), those with fewer than two sexual partners in the previous year (9.2–12.4%), and those who were nulliparous (2.1–5.9%) (all P<.01). In multivariable analyses adjusting for key demographic characteristics, the strongest associations with LARC use in 2012 were parity (adjusted odds ratios [ORs] 4.3–5.5) and having a history of stopping non-LARC hormonal use (adjusted OR 1.9). Women aged 35–44 years (adjusted OR 0.3) were less likely to be LARC users than their counterparts (all P<.001). Poverty status was not associated with LARC use. There were no differences in discontinuation of LARC methods resulting from dissatisfaction between minority women and non-Hispanic white women. CONCLUSION During the most recent time period surveyed, use of LARC methods, particularly intrauterine devices, increased almost uniformly across the population of users.

Study objective To describe and explore provider- and patient-level perspectives regarding long-acting reversible contraception (LARC) for teens and young adults (ages 16-24). Methods Data collection occurred between June – December 2011. We first conducted telephone interviews with administrative directors at 20 publicly funded facilities that provide family planning services. At six of these sites, we conducted a total of six focus group discussions (FGDs) with facility staff and forty-eight in-depth interviews (IDIs) with facility clients ages 16-24. Results Staff in the FGDs did not generally equate being a teen with ineligibility for IUDs. In contrast to staff, one quarter of the young women did perceive young age as rendering them ineligible. Clients and staff agreed that the “forgettable” nature of the methods and their duration were some of LARC’s most significant advantages. They also agreed that fear of pain associated with both insertion and removal and negative side effects were disadvantages. Some aspects of IUDs and implants were perceived as advantages by some clients but disadvantages by others. Common challenges to providing LARC-specific services to younger patients included extra time required to counsel young patients about LARC methods, outdated clinic policies requiring multiple visits to obtain IUDs, and a perceived higher removal rate among young women. The most commonly cited strategy for addressing many of these challenges was securing supplementary funding to support the provision of these services to young patients. Conclusion Incorporating young women’s perspectives on LARC methods into publicly funded family planning facilities’ efforts to provide these methods to a younger population may increase their use among young women.

CONTEXT Abortion availability and accessibility vary by state. Especially in areas where services are restricted or limited, some women travel to obtain abortion services in other states. Little is known about the experience of travel to obtain abortion. METHODS In January and February 2015, in-depth interviews were conducted with 29 patients seeking abortion services at six facilities in Michigan and New Mexico. Eligible women were 18 or older, spoke English, and had traveled either across state lines or more than 100 miles within the state. Respondents were asked to describe their experience from pregnancy discovery to the day of the abortion procedure. Barriers to accessing abortion care and consequences of these barriers were identified through inductive and deductive analysis. RESULTS Respondents described 15 barriers to abortion care while traveling to obtain services, and three major consequences of experiencing those barriers. Barriers were grouped into five categories: travel-related logistical issues, system navigation issues, limited clinic options, financial issues, and state or clinic restrictions. Consequences were delays in care, negative mental health impacts and considering self-induction. The experience of barriers complicated the process of obtaining an abortion, but the effect of any individual barrier was unclear. Instead, the experience of multiple barriers appeared to have a compounding effect, resulting in negative consequences for women traveling for abortion. CONCLUSION The amalgamation of barriers to abortion care experienced simultaneously can have significant consequences for patients.

Abortion is becoming increasingly concentrated among poor women, and restrictions on abortion disproportionately affect this population.

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