Communication between probation officers and juvenile offenders is essential, clarifying the nature and cause of possible disorders and providing insight into the chances of recidivism and/or recovery. Forensic social work, however, is complicated as it is both oriented toward collecting information for the court (forensic aims) and aimed at helping the juvenile’s improvement (social work aims). This paper examines two unique cases of probation officer-juvenile interaction that utilize a board game intended to foster disclosure. As any disclosure may be used against the juvenile in court, the juvenile must be compliant enough without disclosing too much. Using a combination of frame analysis and discourse analyses of delicacy, we describe how the game is used to encourage disclosure as well as how the game allows juveniles to appear compliant ultimately without disclosing much personal information.
This study describes one caseworker’s construction of responsibility through her interactions with three homeless clients in an urban homeless shelter, revealing the significant impact of the shelter, shelter policy, and personal contexts on the construction of responsibility in talk. It explores how responsibility is constructed through a series of discursive choices, including deontic modality, personal pronouns, expressions of time and space, and accounts. These discursive choices expose the ways in which the caseworker’s responsibility talk changes depending on the category of client. Specifically, the study compares the caseworker’s responsibility talk with an undocumented homeless client to her responsibility talk with long-term staying clients. Given policy mandates to place long-term clients (in shelter nine months or longer) more quickly, responsibility talk with these clients as they near the nine-month benchmark is more aggressive. The study shows how the caseworker’s talk with the new undocumented client surprisingly resembles her talk with the long-term clients nearing the nine-month benchmark. She discursively treats this new undocumented client like persisting ones. ‘Imagined time’ and ‘imagined space’ are introduced to aid in describing the projected, future non-compliance of a new undocumented client as established in the caseworker’s responsibility talk.
Parents indirectly influence their children's peer interactions by implicit socialization and directly by interference. They influence their (young) children's doings by supervising their contacts with friends, monitoring where they go, and facilitating their meetings with friends at home. Adolescents' growing orientation to peers is often at the cost of direct contact with their parents. Potentially, conversations with adolescent children become significant moments for parents to collect information about their children's social lives, preparing them for the challenges of their preadult social life. We studied conversations between in state‐created family homes amongst foster parents (FPs) and out‐of‐home‐placed adolescents, to see how FPs prepare foster adolescents to deal with the dynamics of peer culture, specifically in mocking practices. We are interested in the pedagogical role of FPs in these practices. We find that peer culture behavior is expressed in the context of family homes. Rather than preparing adolescents for peer culture indirectly by discussing possible, or hypothetical, situations, FPs react directly to peer culture expressions at the dinner table. In their approach, FPs demonstrate that peer culture membership is not just an interactional competence but also a teachable issue.
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