The United States faces two parallel crises: one with affordable housing supply, and one with maintaining residential construction labour standards. Historically, issues with labour standards have been addressed on public works through prevailing wage requirements. Labor standards-while good for workers-may increase construction costs; higher costs, in turn, negatively impact low-income families by reducing supplies of affordable housing. In this article, we re-examine whether this trade-off exists and, if so, its implications.We estimate that prevailing wage requirements add, at most, 6 per cent to the costs of affordable housing construction. INTRODUCTIONPolicy makers often face tough trade-offs when designing policies that work at cross purposes.The potential tension between providing affordable housing to low-income families and regulating construction labour standards is a case in point. Labor standards-while good for workersmay increase construction costs; higher costs, in turn, negatively impact low-income families by reducing supplies of affordable housing. In this article, we analyse whether this trade-off exists and, if so, its implications. Affordable housing units are residential housing that, through tax subsidies, vouchers, or other programs, are available at a lower rental cost than for comparable unsubsidized units. Affordable housing can be single-family houses or units in multi-family buildings, apartment buildings or mixed-use developments. The availability of affordable housing for US low-income families is in crisis, as low-income families near or below the poverty line face a burdensome shortage of affordable housing (Aurand et al., 2018). 1 Through tenant-based rental assistance, public housing,
Media bias is well documented in the industrial relations domain. This paper extends this research by exploring whether union participation among former professional baseball players affects the likelihood of moving through two stages of the selection process for the Major League Baseball Hall of Fame (HOF), a selection process controlled by sports media. At the HOF ballot inclusion stage, union activism increased position players’ and pitchers’ likelihoods of inclusion, regardless of time period. Conversely, at the HOF voting stage, position players who were union representatives during labor-management conflict (i.e., strikes and lockouts) received significantly less votes than non-activists, while position players who were representatives during labor-management cooperation received significantly more votes. Union activism did not affect pitchers at this stage. We conclude that union activists can be subject to negative media bias during labor-management conflict that, in turn, negatively affects post-employment outcomes.
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