This article describes the construction of the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI), and 5 studies that examined its psychometric properties. Factor analysis indicated 11 distinct factors: Winning, Emotional Control, Risk-Taking, Violence, Dominance, Playboy, Self-Reliance, Primacy of Work, Power Over Women, Disdain for Homosexuals, and Pursuit of Status. Results from Studies 2-5 indicated that the CMNI had strong internal consistency estimates and good differential validity comparing men with women and groups of men on healthrelated questions; all of the CMNI subscales were significantly and positively related to other masculinity-related measures, with several subscales being related significantly and positively to psychological distress, social dominance, aggression, and the desire to be more muscular, and significantly and negatively to attitudes toward psychological help seeking and social desirability; and CMNI scores had high test-retest estimates for a 2-3 week period.

In the current article, we build on research from vocational psychology, multicultural psychology, intersectionality, and the sociology of work to construct an empirically testable Psychology of Working Theory (PWT). Our central aim is to explain the work experiences of all individuals, but particularly people near or in poverty, people who face discrimination and marginalization in their lives, and people facing challenging work-based transitions for which contextual factors are often the primary drivers of the ability to secure decent work. The concept of decent work is defined and positioned as the central variable within the theory. A series of propositions is offered concerning (a) contextual predictors of securing decent work, (b) psychological and economic mediators and moderators of these relations, and (c) outcomes of securing decent work. Recommendations are suggested for researchers seeking to use the theory and practical implications are offered concerning counseling, advocacy, and public policy.

In this chapter, the authors consider Paulo Freire's construct of critical consciousness (CC) and why it deserves more attention in research and discourse on youth political and civic development. His approach to education and similar ideas by other scholars of liberation aims to foster a critical analysis of society--and one's status within it--using egalitarian, empowering, and interactive methods. The aim is social change as well as learning, which makes these ideas especially relevant to the structural injustice faced by marginalized youth. From their review of these ideas, the authors derive three core CC components: critical reflection, political efficacy, and critical action. They highlight promising research related to these constructs and innovative applied work including youth action-research methodology. Their conclusion offers ideas for closing some of the critical gaps in CC theory and research.

An extensive body of research has documented the relation between social class, as indexed by socioeconomic status (SES) and subjective social status (SSS), and a host of outcomes, including physical and mental health, academic achievement, and educational attainment. Yet, there remains ambiguity regarding how best to conceptualize and measure social class. This article clarifies definitional and measurement issues related to the assessment of SES and SSS, addresses their importance and relevance for psychological research, and reviews best practices with regard to measurement and assessment. We conclude by discussing the integration of social class with other markers of social position to promote the advancement of psychological science.

This article details the development and validation of a measure of critical consciousness, defined as the capacity of oppressed or marginalized people to critically analyze their social and political conditions, endorsement of societal equality, and action to change perceived inequities. In Study 1, an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was conducted with a diverse sample of youth, resulting in three internally consistent factors: (a) Critical Reflection: Perceived Inequality, (b) Critical Reflection: Egalitarianism, and (c) Critical Action: Sociopolitical Participation. In Study 2, a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was completed with a new sample of youth. Strong model fit estimates in Study 2 confirmed the factor structure of Study 1 and resulted in a final 22-item measure called the "Critical Consciousness Scale" (CCS). The CCS has the potential to unite and advance the fragmented conceptualization and measurement of critical consciousness, the primary motivation for the development of the scale.

Grounded in the theory and pedagogy of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, critical consciousness (CC) comprises components of critical reflection, critical motivation, and critical action. CC represents marginalized or oppressed people's analysis of societal inequities and their motivation and actions to redress such inequities. In this article, we introduce the theoretical underpinnings of CC, then look at the conceptualization and measurement of CC, and outline traditional and contemporary approaches to fostering CC. We also summarize individual and collective outcomes associated with CC and offer suggestions for researchers and practitioners. Collectively, these insights suggest that CC is an important developmental asset for marginalized youth and communities. KEYWORDS-critical consciousness; marginalization; oppression; sociopolitical development Thank you to Aixa Marchand for her helpful and insightful comments on this article. Drs. Matthew A. Diemer and Adam M. Voight were supported by a grant from the Spencer Foundation ("Critical social analysis among marginalized youth"). Note that Diemer and Rapa share first authorship of this paper, yet are listed alphabetically here.

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Given associations between critical consciousness and positive developmental outcomes, and given racial, socioeconomic, and generational disparities in political participation, this article examined contextual antecedents of critical consciousness (composed of sociopolitical control and social action) and its consequences for 665 marginalized youth's (ages 15-25) voting behavior. A multiple indicator and multiple causes (MIMIC) model examined racial, ethnic, and age differences in the measurement and means of latent constructs. The structural model suggested that parental and peer sociopolitical support predicts sociopolitical control and social action, which in turn predicts voting behavior, while controlling for civic and political knowledge, race/ethnicity, and age. This illuminates how micro-level actors foster critical consciousness and how the perceived capacity to effect social change and social action participation may redress voting disparities.