Despite the centrality of Mexico–US border policing to pre‐ and post‐9/11 US immigration geopolitics, perhaps the most significant yet largely ignored immigration‐related fallout of the so‐called war on terrorism has been the extension of interior immigration policing practices away from the southwest border. As I outline in this paper, these interior spaces of immigration geopolitics—nominally said to be about fighting terrorism, but in practice concerned with undocumented labor migration across the Mexico–US border—have not emerged accidentally. Rather, the recent criminalization of immigration law, the sequestering of immigration enforcement from court oversight and the enrollment of proxy immigration officers at sub‐state scales have been actively pursued so as to make interior enforcement newly central to US immigration geopolitics. I argue here that these embryonic spaces of localized immigration geopolitics shed new light on the spatiality of US immigration governance, which has typically been thought of by geographers as active predominantly at the territorial margins of the state. I conclude the paper with some thoughts as to how geographers might rethink the what and where of contemporary US immigration geopolitics.

This article examines the implementation of 287(g) authority and Secure Communities by several law enforcement agencies in Wake County and Durham County, North Carolina. I argue that despite being federally supervised programs, 287(g) and Secure Communities take shape within specific political, legal, policing, and biographic contexts, and, as such, take on a site‐specific form. I conclude that although site specificity is a characteristic of devolved immigration enforcement in the U.S. context, devolution also predictably relocates interior immigration enforcement to immigrant populations' spaces of social reproduction. Accordingly, programs like 287(g) and Secure Communities work at a suprasite level to amplify immigrant populations' everyday insecurities.

Teaching the knowledge and skills of practice-based learning and improvement to medical students and residents is a necessary and important foundation for improving patient care. The authors present a framework of learning objectives-informed by the literature and synthesized by the expert panel-to assist educational leaders when integrating these objectives into a curriculum. This framework serves as a blueprint to bridge the gap between current knowledge and future practice needs.

In the last five years, immigration enforcement in the United States has changed dramatically. The focus on federal border enforcement and workplace raids of yesteryear has been replaced by an intensification of state and local initiatives that rely on the daily policing of immigrant communities deep within the country's heartlands. Perhaps the most pervasive of these are the 287(g) and Secure Communities programs, which call upon local police and sheriff's offices to act as foot soldiers for the enforcement of federal immigration law. Fortified by the pervasive rollback by states of immigrant access to driver's licenses, these programs convert the mundane act of driving into the activity of highest risk for undocumented individuals. Getting pulled over for a minor traffic violation now typically results in detention and often deportation. Yet most immigrants-as most "Americans"-are compelled to drive on a daily basis in order to work, care for their children, and keep up their households. How do people cope with this reality, where driving is at once requisite and forbidden? Our unfolding research in Atlanta reveals the importance of social networks and new communication technologies, including social media, in immigrants' struggle to maintain a semblance of normalcy amid the intense criminalization of their communities. Through a discussion of the policing of automobility, its resulting immobility, and emerging forms of altermobility, this paper brings into ethnographic relief the recent words of one undocumented activist who declared, "the only secure community is an organized one." [mobilities, immigration enforcement, undocumented immigrant, Atlanta] I n 2009 we decided to move away from the county where we lived because it had Secure Communities. There, we could barely leave the house because of the police presence in the area. But before long, the same thing happened in our new home. They started to put up checkpoints, and soon we were even worse off than before. The checkpoints were a daily occurrence, without a single day of rest.-JuanaWe lived in [a 287(g) county] and I was pulled over one day because I was driving too slowly. My family was with me, and the police officer asked me for my driver's license. I had a license from Tennessee at the time, but he told me I couldn't drive in Georgia. At first I was angry that he had pulled me over for no reason and given me a ticket even bs_bs_banner

In this paper we examine perhaps the most significant shift in US immigration enforcement since the militarisation of the US-Mexico border in the late 1980s and early 1990s -the now decade-long transformation of immigration enforcement from an outwards-looking power, located at the territorial margins of the state, into also an inwards-looking power focused on resident immigrant everydays. In large measure this shift in the geography of immigration policing is due to an unprecedented devolution of a once exclusively federal power to regulate immigration to nonfederal law enforcement agencies operating in non-border spaces in the post-9/11 environment. We argue that the result of this shift in the 'where' of immigration enforcement amounts to a spatialised tactic of immigrant 'incapacitation'.

The purpose of this research was to develop and partially assess a self-report scale for measuring doctors' and patients' perceptions of self-communication and other communication competence during a medical interview. Previous research into the components of communication competence and medical discourse were used to develop the Medical Communication Competence Scale (MCCS). It was hypothesized that the items of the MCCS would form four clusters: information giving, information seeking, information verifying, and socioemotional communication. The cluster analysis results provided support for the hypothesis. Results of several other analyses provided additional support for the validity of the MCCS.

The findings from this study indicate no beneficial effects of the EA in terms of cognition, functional status, survival, infection rate, or cost of care after 1 year. However, qualitative observations at the Eden site indicated that the change was positive for many staff as well as residents, suggesting that it may take longer than a year to demonstrate improvements attributable to the EA.

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