This study uses newly collected time diary data to assess gender differences in both quantity and quality offree time, includingmeasures ofcontamination offree time by nonleisure activities suchas household chores, thefragmentation offree time, and how frequently children's needs must be accommodated during free-time activities. Our jindings suggest that men and women do experience free time very differently. Men tend to have more ofit. Marriage and children exacerbate the gendergap and market work hourserode men'sand women's free time in different ways. Our jindings reveal that despite gains toward gender equality in other domains, discrepancies persist in the experience offree time.

Policy makers, parents, and the public are concerned with perceived declines in parents' time with children. Data from two national surveys (N ¼ 1,159 and N ¼ 821) used in this study show that nearly half of parents report feeling too little time with children. Work hours are strongly related to these feelings, even controlling for time spent with children, and explain why fathers more than mothers feel time strain. For fathers, those whose youngest child is an adolescent feel more strain than similarly situated mothers. Controlling for work hours, single parents are not more likely than married parents to feel that they spend insufficient time with children.

Using Current Population Survey data for 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2001 (N =73,001), we document change in the prevalence of couples where (a) the wife contributes less than 40% of the family income, (b) income contributions are relatively equal, and (c) the wife's income contribution surpasses her husband's contribution. In 1970, close to 90% of couples had conventional earning arrangements: The husband was the sole provider in 56% of couples and contributed 60% or more of the income in an additional 31% of couples. By 2001, husbands were still the sole (25%) or major provider (39%) in a majority (64%) of couples but wives shared equally in providing income in 24% of couples, more than double the 9% in 1970. Additionally, wives as primary (or sole) earners increased from 4% to 12%. We investigate the associations between income provisioning within dual‐income families and ongoing cohort replacement by younger couples, women's increased human capital, life course processes, couple's labor supply, and race. Our findings suggest that wives’ increased human capital and couple's labor supply were strongly associated with increased female breadwinning patterns, but age cohort replacement processes and life stage factors also played a role in explaining change over time.

Free time has the potential to reduce time pressures, yet previous studies paradoxically report increases in free time concurrent with increases in feeling rushed. Using U.S. time diary data from 708 individuals in 1975 and 964 individuals in 1998, we review the evidence on trends in free time and subjective perceptions of feeling rushed, and reexamine the relationship between free time and time pressure. We find that women's time pressure increased significantly between 1975 and 1998 but men's did not. In addition, the effects of objective time constraints vary by gender. Whereas more free time reduces men's perceptions of feeling rushed at both time points, among women, free time marginally reduced time pressure in 1975 but no longer reduced time pressure in 1998. Our findings suggest that persistent inequality in gendered time‐use patterns is paralleled by gendered experiences of time pressure.

Drawing on social disorganization theory, the current study examined the extent to which community-level poverty rates and collective efficacy influenced individual reports of intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration, victimization, and bystander intervention among a sample of 178 young adults (18-24; 67.4% women) from 16 rural counties across the eastern US who completed an online survey that assessed demographic information, IPV perpetration, victimization, bystander intervention, and collective efficacy. We computed each county's poverty rate from the 2007-2011 American Community Survey. Generalized estimating equations demonstrated that after controlling for individual-level income status, community-level poverty positively predicted IPV victimization and perpetration for both men and women. Collective efficacy was inversely related to IPV victimization and perpetration for men; however, collective efficacy was unrelated to IPV victimization and perpetration for women. Whereas IPV bystander intervention was positively related to collective efficacy and inversely related to individual-level income status for both men and women, community-level poverty was unrelated to IPV bystander intervention for both men and women. Overall, these findings provide some support for social disorganization theory in explaining IPV among rural young adults, and underscore the importance of multi-level IPV prevention and intervention efforts focused around community-capacity building and enhancement of collective efficacy.

The authors review the literature on resilience following childhood maltreatment and describe how variation in the measurement of outcomes at various developmental stages affects research findings, practice implications, and policy recommendations. Although the 21 studies reviewed considered competent functioning in similar domains as evidence of resilience following maltreatment, few provided prevalence estimates for specific indicators or across domains of functioning. Using the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being (NSCAW), the authors explored different ways of operationalizing resilience. The number of children demonstrating competence following maltreatment varied greatly by the indicators used; furthermore, competence in one domain (behavioral, emotional, or educational) did not guarantee competence in another. About one in five children were functioning poorly in all three domains. Because findings vary according to the operational definition of resilience, researchers must use caution in conceptualizing their analytic variables and interpreting findings. Furthermore, given the lack of cross-domain competence, services to maltreated children and their families should be comprehensive.

American families are experiencing the effects of the “Great Recession.” Most of the job losses are accruing to men, so families may find it strategic for wives to enter the labor force, or increase their work hours. We consider this possibility using the May 2008 and 2009 Current Population Survey, and compare findings to May 2004 and 2005 data, a time of relative prosperity. We find that wives of husbands who stopped working during the recession were more likely to increase work hours, and more likely to commence or seek work. During the Great Recession years, the effect for wives entering the labor force is significantly greater than during the earlier years of relative prosperity.

This special issue of Social Service Review presents original research on the determinants and consequences of economic instability, with a focus on the interplay between instability and social policy. To frame that discussion, we define economic instability as repeated changes in employment, income, or financial well-being over time, particularly changes that are not intentional, predictable, or part of upward mobility. We also present a conceptual framework for how instability occurs in multiple domains of family life and how social policy has the potential to both buffer and exacerbate instability in employment and family structure. The articles in the volume engage many of these domains, including employment and program instability, and multiple areas of social policy, including workplace regulations and childcare subsidies. They also point to paths for future research, which we summarize in the final section of this introduction. Across many areas of life, instability marks the day-today reality of low-income Americans. Unpredictable employment and work schedules (Hollister 2011; Hollister and Smith 2014; Lambert, Fugiel, and Henly 2014), fluctuating public benefits (Lambert and Henly 2013; Mills et al. 2014; Ben-Ishai 2015), changes in romantic relationships and household composition (Cherlin 2010), and unwanted housing and neighborhood churning (Desmond, Gershenson, and Kiviat 2015; Desmond and Shollenberger 2015; Desmond 2016) all too commonly mark the lives of poor Americans. Taken together, these sources of economic instability create much greater income variability for low-income families than for their high-income counterparts, and this gap in income variability has grown larger in recent years (Morris et al. 2015). Both the causes of income variability and the fluctuations in resources have been shown to affect material hardship and adult and child outcomes (e.g.