24 preschool and 24 school-entry children in Bombay, India, and 24 preschool and 24 school-entry children in Oxford, England, were tested on their ability to distinguish between real and apparent emotion in response to stories involving child-adult and child-child interactions. Younger Indian girls did better than younger English girls, and the data reveal effects due to age, culture, gender, and story type which suggest a more social model of the understanding of emotion than has been proposed by other researchers using this methodology.

The growth in accompanied travel to school, particularly by car, has led to speculation about the cognitive and emotional impact of this change on child development. Spatial skills, knowledge of the environment, and perceptions of the environment were assessed in 93 children aged between 7 and 12 years. Children who were accompanied to school performed as well as their unaccompanied peers on spatial ability tests and showed no greater concern with stranger danger. However, they showed a greater tendency to cite traffic danger in their responses, and a greater knowledge of the environment as indicated by the use of landmarks in their drawings of their locality. Children who had more freedom to travel without adults on nonschool journeys also showed a greater use of landmarks. Mode of transport had no effect on the study's measures. These results are discussed with reference to the nature of the journey to school and to other places.

24 preschool and 24 school-entry children in Bombay, India, and 24 preschool and 24 school-entry children in Oxford, England, were tested on their ability to distinguish between real and apparent emotion in response to stories involving child-adult and child-child interactions. Younger Indian girls did better than younger English girls, and the data reveal effects due to age, culture, gender, and story type which suggest a more social model of the understanding of emotion than has been proposed by other researchers using this methodology.

This paper reports research showing that a modified version of Prochaska & DiClemente's (1982) stage model of behaviour change can account for dietary fat reduction in a sample of 133 young English adults. Prochaska & DiClemente's model posits five sequential stages through which people pass in the course of behaviour change. The current research developed a new, simplified staging questionnaire which successfully categorized respondents into groups whose dietary fat consumption differed as the model predicts—that is, those in later stages were consuming less dietary fat than those in earlier stages. The research focused on four social and psychological processes which Prochaska & DiClemente argue operate most powerfully at the four different stage transitions. Results showed that two of the processes (consciousness raising and self‐liberation) could, between them, distinguish all five stages from each other. The two processes had their decisive impact in the predicted order (i.e. consciousness raising discriminating between earlier stages and self‐liberation distinguishing between later stages) but they did not operate at the particular stage transitions reported in Prochaska and his colleagues’ own research. The other two processes (i.e. self re‐evaluation and helping relationships) did not discriminate between people at different stages. This suggests that Prochaska & DiClemente's findings cannot entirely be replicated in this domain.

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