Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in Impact of Business Training on Microfinance Clients and Institutions Dean Karlan and Martin Valdivia AbstractCan one teach entrepreneurship, or is it a fixed personal characteristic? Most academic and policy discussion on microentrepreneurs in developing countries focuses on their access to credit, and assumes their human capital to be fixed. However, a growing number of microfinance organizations are attempting to build the human capital of micro-entrepreneurs in order to improve the livelihood of their clients and help further their mission of poverty alleviation. Using a randomized control trial, we measure the marginal impact of adding business training to a Peruvian village banking program for female microentrepreneurs. Treatment groups received thirty to sixty minute entrepreneurship training sessions during their normal weekly or monthly banking meeting over a period of one to two years. Control groups remained as they were before, meeting at the same frequency but solely for making loan and savings payments. We find that the treatment led to improved business knowledge, practices and revenues. The microfinance institution also had direct benefits through higher repayment and client retention rates. Larger effects found for those that expressed less interest in training in a baseline survey have important implications for implementing similar market-based interventions with a goal of recovering costs.

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Two commonly used metrics for assessing progress toward universal health coverage involve assessing citizens' rights to health care and counting the number of people who are in a financial protection scheme that safeguards them from high health care payments. On these metrics most countries in Latin America have already "reached" universal health coverage. Neither metric indicates, however, whether a country has achieved universal health coverage in the now commonly accepted sense of the term: that everyone--irrespective of their ability to pay--gets the health services they need without suffering undue financial hardship. We operationalized a framework proposed by the World Bank and the World Health Organization to monitor progress under this definition and then constructed an overall index of universal health coverage achievement. We applied the approach using data from 112 household surveys from 1990 to 2013 for all twenty Latin American countries. No country has achieved a perfect universal health coverage score, but some countries (including those with more integrated health systems) fare better than others. All countries except one improved in overall universal health coverage over the time period analyzed.

Inequalities in self-reported health problems among the different economic strata were small, and such problems were usually more common among women than men. The presence of small inequalities may be due to cultural and social differences in the perception of health. However, in most countries included in the study, large inequalities were found in the use of health care for the self-reported health problems. It is important to develop regional projects aimed at improving the questions on self reported health in household interview surveys so that the determinants of the inequalities in health can be studied in depth. The authors conclude that due to the different patterns of economic gradients among different age groups and among males and females, the practice of standardization used in constructing concentration curves and in computing concentration indices should be avoided. At the end is a set of recommendations on how to improve these sources of data. Despite their shortcomings, household interview surveys are very useful in understanding the dimensions of health inequalities in these countries.

ObjectiveTo examine trends in stunting and overweight in Peruvian children, using 2006 WHO Multicentre Growth Reference Study criteria.DesignTrend analyses using nationally representative cross-sectional surveys from Demographic and Health Surveys (1991–2011). We performed logistic regression analyses of stunting and overweight trends in sociodemographic groups (sex, age, urban–rural residence, region, maternal education and household wealth), adjusted for sampling design effects (strata, clusters and sampling weights).SettingPeru.SubjectsChildren aged 0–59 months surveyed in 1991–92 (n 7999), 1996 (n 14 877), 2000 (n 11 754), 2007–08 (n 8232) and 2011 (n 8186).ResultsChild stunting declined (F(1, 5149) = 174·8, P ≤ 0·00) and child overweight was stable in the period 1991–2011 (F(1, 5147) = 0·4, P ≤ 0·54). Over the study period, levels of stunting were highest in rural compared with urban areas, the Andean and Amazon regions compared with the Coast, among children of low-educated mothers and among children living in households in the poorest wealth quintile. The trend in overweight rose among males in coastal areas (F(1, 2250) = 4·779, P ≤ 0·029) and among males in the richest wealth quintile (F(1, 1730) = 5·458, P ≤ 0·020).ConclusionsThe 2011 levels of stunting and overweight were eight times and three and a half times higher, respectively, than the expected levels from the 2006 WHO growth standards. The trend over the study period in stunting declined in most sociodemographic subgroups. The trend in overweight was stable in most sociodemographic subgroups.