The English second language development of 19 children (mean age at outset = 5 years, 4 months) from various first language backgrounds was examined every 6 months for 2 years, using spontaneous language sampling, parental questionnaires, and a standardized receptive vocabulary test. Results showed that the children's mean mental age equivalency and standard scores on the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test-Third Edition nearly met native-speaker expectations after an average of 34 months of exposure to English, a faster rate of development than has been reported in some other research. Children displayed the phenomenon of general all-purpose verbs through overextension of the semantically flexible verb do, an indicator of having to stretch their lexical resources for the communicative context. Regarding sources of individual differences, older age of second language onset and higher levels of mother's education were associated with faster growth in children's English lexical development, and nonverbal intelligence showed some limited influence on vocabulary outcomes; however, English use in the home had no consistent effects on vocabulary development.
This study reports on a comparison of the use and knowledge of tense-marking morphemes in English by first language (L1), second language (L2) and specifically language-impaired (SLI) children. The objective of our research was to ascertain whether the L2 children's tense acquisition patterns were similar or dissimilar to those of the L1 and SLI groups, and whether they would fit an (Extended) Optional Infinitive profile, or an L2-based profile, e.g., the Missing Surface Inflection Hypothesis. Results showed that the L2 children had a unique profile compared with their monolingual peers, which was better characterized by the Missing Surface Inflection Hypothesis. At the same time, results reinforce the assumption underlying the (Extended) Optional Infinitive profile that internal constraints on the acquisition of tense could be a component of L1 development, with and without SLI.Research documenting the developmental parallels between second language (L2) and first language (L1) acquisition of morphosyntax has been longstanding (e.g., Dulay & Burt, 1973, 1974 see Zobl & Liceras, 1994, for review). More recently, research comparing the morphosyntax of child L2 learners to same-aged L1 learners with specific language impairment (SLI) in French and Swedish has also showed striking similarities between these two groups (Crago & Paradis, 2003;Grüter, 2005;Håkansson 2001;Paradis & Crago, 2000Paradis, 2004). Paradis (2005) found evidence for SLI-like patterns in child English L2 learners' acquisition of grammatical morphology, but to date, no direct comparison of English L2 and SLI acquisition of morphosyntax has been undertaken. The presence of overlap in the linguistic characteristics between L2 and SLI is relevant for applied concerns, such as differential diagnosis of SLI in the L2 population. Overlap is also relevant for theoretical accounts aimed at characterizing only those features of impaired grammars to the exclusion of typicallydeveloping (TD) learner grammars, among same-aged peers.On one hand, morphosyntax related to functional categories might be expected to be vulnerable across acquisition contexts on linguistic theoretical grounds, since the functional layer of the grammar could be considered the locus of much crosslinguistic variation in language-particular grammars (Paradis & Prévost, 2004). Certainly the L2 versus TD L1 and L2 versus SLI comparative research supports this expectation. On the other hand, it is reasonable to assume Corresponding author: Johanne Paradis, Department of Linguistics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, T6G 2E7, Canada. NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptAppl Psycholinguist. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2008 October 9. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript that shared characteristics notwithstanding, at some level there should be differences between impaired and TD learner grammars. More specifically, Paradis & Crago (2000 suggested that both French SLI and L2 acquisition have the characteristics of an (Extended) Optional...
Bilingual and monolingual children's (mean age=4;10) elicited production of the past tense in both English and French was examined in order to test predictions from Usage-Based theory regarding the sensitivity of children's acquisition rates to input factors such as variation in exposure time and the type/token frequency of morphosyntactic structures. Both bilingual and monolingual children were less accurate with irregular than regular past tense forms in both languages. Bilingual children, as a group, were less accurate than monolinguals with the English regular and irregular past tense, and with the French irregular past tense, but not with the French regular past tense. However, bilingual children were as accurate as monolinguals with the past tense in their language of greater exposure, except for English irregular verbs. It is argued that these results support the view that children's acquisition rates are sensitive to input factors, but with some qualifications.
This study examines the use of tense, agreement, and non-tense morphemes and associated distributional contingencies in the language production of Quebec French-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI) and normally developing language and age-matched controls. We sought to determine whether the Optional Infinitive/Extended Optional Infinitive (OI/EOI; e.g., Rice & Wexler (1996)) pattern of normal and impaired developmental language in English occurs in French as well. In so doing, we also sought to explore the possibility that certain kinds of finite verb forms can pattern as root infinitives in some languages including French. Our results indicate that SLI in French has the majority of the EOI characteristics displayed in English SLI, such as variable use of tense-marking morphemes combined with accuracy of form choice, obedience to distributional contingencies associated with finiteness, and relatively nonvariable use of non-tense grammatical morphemes. Our results also provide support for French SLI being an extension of an earlier stage in normal development. Furthermore, our analyses reveal that the finite verb stem in French appears to act as a root infinitive along side the nonfinite verb forms. Accordingly, we suggest that the (Extended) Optional Infinitive account could be renamed the (Extended) Optional Default account in order to include certain finite forms as well as nonfinite forms as root infinitives.
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