BackgroundDifferences in the neighborhood food environment may contribute to disparities in obesity.ObjectivesThe purpose of this study was to examine the association of neighborhood food environments with body mass index (BMI) and obesity after control for neighborhood walkability.MethodsThis study employed a cross-sectional, multilevel analysis of BMI and obesity among 13,102 adult residents of New York City. We constructed measures of the food environment and walkability for the neighborhood, defined as a half-mile buffer around the study subject’s home address.ResultsDensity of BMI-healthy food outlets (supermarkets, fruit and vegetable markets, and natural food stores) was inversely associated with BMI. Mean adjusted BMI was similar in the first two quintiles of healthy food density (0 and 1.13 stores/km2, respectively), but declined across the three higher quintiles and was 0.80 units lower [95% confidence interval (CI), 0.27–1.32] in the fifth quintile (10.98 stores/km2) than in the first. The prevalence ratio for obesity comparing the fifth quintile of healthy food density with the lowest two quintiles combined was 0.87 (95% CI, 0.78–0.97). These associations remained after control for two neighborhood walkability measures, population density and land-use mix. The prevalence ratio for obesity for the fourth versus first quartile of population density was 0.84 (95% CI, 0.73–0.96) and for land-use mix was 0.91 (95% CI, 0.86–0.97). Increasing density of food outlets categorized as BMI-unhealthy was not significantly associated with BMI or obesity.ConclusionsAccess to BMI-healthy food stores is associated with lower BMI and lower prevalence of obesity.
Although many low-income urban areas are highly walkable by conventional measures such as population density or land use mix, chronic diseases related to lack of physical activity are more common among residents of these areas. Disparities in neighborhood conditions may make poor areas less attractive environments for walking, offsetting the advantages of density and land use mix. This study compared poor and nonpoor neighborhoods in New York City, using geographic information systems measures constructed from public data for US census tracts within New York City (N=2,172) as well as field observation of a matched-pair sample of 76 block faces on commercial streets in poor and nonpoor neighborhoods. Poor census tracts had significantly fewer street trees, landmarked buildings, clean streets, and sidewalk cafes, and higher rates of felony complaints, narcotics arrests, and vehicular crashes. The field observation showed similar results. Improving aesthetic and safety conditions in poor neighborhoods may help reduce disparities in physical activity among urban residents.
With increasing concern about rising rates of obesity, public health researchers have begun to examine the availability of parks and other spaces for physical activity, particularly in cities, to assess whether access to parks reduces the risk of obesity. Much of the research in this field has shown that proximity to parks may support increased physical activity in urban environments; however, as yet, there has been limited consideration of environmental impediments or disamenities that might influence individuals' perceptions or usage of public recreation opportunities. Prior research suggests that neighborhood disamenities, for instance crime, pedestrian safety, and noxious land uses, might dissuade people from using parks or recreational facilities and vary by neighborhood composition. Motivated by such research, this study estimates the relationship between neighborhood compositional characteristics and measures of park facilities, controlling for variation in neighborhood disamenities, using geographic information systems (GIS) data for New York City parks and employing both kernel density estimation and distance measures. The central finding is that attention to neighborhood disamenities can appreciably alter the relationship between neighborhood composition and spatial access to parks. Policy efforts to enhance the recreational opportunities in urban areas should expand beyond a focus on availability to consider also the hazards and disincentives that may influence park usage. KEYWORDS Built environment, Parks, Spatial accessibility, GISIncreasing concerns about persistently rising obesity rates have led to research on a variety of factors that might contribute to overweight and obesity. Prior studies on the risk of obesity have found that individual-level factors have limited ability to explain patterns of obesity or disparities in such patterns. Recent research on environmental factors has focused, in part, on the recreational opportunities available in the neighborhood-with increased attention to the location and features of parks and the association between park access and physical activity and, in turn, the risk of overweight or obesity.Previous research has repeatedly shown that proximity and access to parks and outdoor recreational opportunities is positively correlated with active behaviors. [1][2][3][4][5] Moreover, research examining the distribution of environmental conditions-both Although concern about the inequitable distribution of parks and open space is not new, geographic information systems (GIS) software and data have enabled a significant expansion of research on disparities in the recreational opportunities and their implications for obesity. A set of studies over the past decade has advanced our understanding of how access to parks varies across neighborhoods and whether park access varies across neighborhoods of differing racial/ethnic and socioeconomic compositions. [8][9][10] Despite this growing body of work, however, a key question has been neglected: whether and how t...
Public health researchers have begun to map the neighborhood “food environment” and examine its association with the risk of overweight and obesity. Some argue that “food deserts”—areas with little or no provision of fresh produce and other healthy food—may contribute to disparities in obesity, diabetes, and related health problems. While research on neighborhood food environments has taken advantage of more technically sophisticated ways to assess distance and density, in general, it has not considered how individual or neighborhood conditions might modify physical distance and thereby affect patterns of spatial accessibility. This study carried out a series of sensitivity analyses to illustrate the effects on the measurement of disparities in food environments of adjusting for cross-neighborhood variation in vehicle ownership rates, public transit access, and impediments to pedestrian travel, such as crime and poor traffic safety. The analysis used geographic information systems data for New York City supermarkets, fruit and vegetable markets, and farmers' markets and employed both kernel density and distance measures. We found that adjusting for vehicle ownership and crime tended to increase measured disparities in access to supermarkets by neighborhood race/ethnicity and income, while adjusting for public transit and traffic safety tended to narrow these disparities. Further, considering fruit and vegetable markets and farmers' markets, as well as supermarkets, increased the density of healthy food outlets, especially in neighborhoods with high concentrations of Hispanics, Asians, and foreign-born residents and in high-poverty neighborhoods.
Nearly all New York City public school students have access to inexpensive, energy-dense foods within a 5-minute walk of school. Low-income and Hispanic students had the highest level of exposure to the food outlets studied here.
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