Background The outbreak of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has dramatically changed societies in 2020. Since the end of February, Europe has been hit particularly hard by COVID-19, but there are major country differences in both the spread of the virus and measures taken to stop the virus. Social psychological factors such as institutional trust could be important in understanding the development of the epidemic. Objective The aim of this study was to examine country variations of COVID-19 mortality in Europe by analyzing social risk factors explaining the spread of the disease, restrictions and control measures, and institutional trust. Methods The present study was based on a background analysis of European Social Survey data on 25 European countries (N=47,802). Multilevel mixed effects linear regression models focused on 84 days of the COVID-19 epidemic (January 22 to April 14, 2020) and modelled the daily COVID-19 mortality. Analysis focused on the impact of social relations, restrictions, and institutional trust within each country. Results The spread of the COVID-19 epidemic has been fast everywhere, but the findings revealed significant differences between countries in COVID-19 mortality. Perceived sociability predicted higher COVID-19 mortality. Major differences between the 25 countries were found in reaction times to the crisis. Late reaction to the crisis predicted later mortality figures. Institutional trust was associated with lower COVID-19 mortality. Conclusions The analyses demonstrated the importance of societal and social psychological factors in the spread of the COVID-19 epidemic. By considering multiple perspectives, this study showed that country differences in Europe are major, and this will have an impact on how countries will cope with the ongoing crisis in the following months. The results indicated the importance of timely restrictions and cooperation with people.
This study analyzed the impact of the November 2015 Paris attacks on online hate. On the basis of social identity based theories of group relations, we hypothesized that exposure to online hate will increase in social climate of fear, uncertainty, and polarization. We expected that the increase of hate will be evident in the case of online hate associated to ethnicity or nationality, religion, political views, or terrorism, but not specifically other hate-associated categories. Societal level determinants of the temporal changes in online hate exposure have not been tested before. Our study utilized two cross-sectional, demographically balanced datasets to analyze the change in online hate exposure among Finnish young people aged 15 to 30. The first sample was collected in May-June 2013 and the second one in December 2015, only 1 month after the November 2015 Paris attacks. The results supported the hypotheses indicating that the quantity and quality of online hostilities are affected by the wider societal conditions. We suggest that more evidence of societal level determinants of online hostility is needed in order to understand online hate exposure rates at different times.
Individuals use online communities for social networking and to find similar others. These communities can be attractive for individuals who are dissatisfied with their offline relationships. This article reports two studies analyzing the daily participation in online gambling-communities. In Study 1, self-reported measures were used to examine the role of loneliness, excessive gambling, and Internet use in daily online gambling-community participation. In Study 2, a gambling-related vignette experiment was used to analyze how characteristics of online behavior predict daily online gambling-community participation. Both studies are based on three samples collected among Finnish (N = 1,200 and N = 230) and U.S. (N = 1,212) adolescents and young adults. In Finland and the U.S., daily online gambling-community participation was more likely among compulsive Internet users and individuals who gambled excessively. In Finland, loneliness moderated the effect between gambling problems and daily gambling-community participation, but in the U.S., loneliness had no moderating effect. Preferring pro-gambling to antigambling content also predicted more likely daily online gambling-community participation. Online gambling-communities LONELINESS AND ONLINE GAMBLING-COMMUNITIES 2 are attractive for young individuals who experience gambling problems and are interested in gambling overall.
BackgroundSevere economic difficulties are common among younger generations who currently have an easy access to consumer credit and payday loans in many Western countries. These accessible yet expensive short-term loans may lead to more severe financial difficulties, including default and debt enforcement, both which are defined as debt problems within this study. This study hypothesized that consumer debt and debt problems mediate the relationship between problematic gambling and psychological distress. Excessive gambling can be funded with consumer debt, which in turn leads to the accumulation of financial stressors and, eventually, psychological distress.MethodsThree studies were conducted to examine the hypotheses. Study 1 used a demographically balanced sample of Finnish participants aged 18 to 25 years (n = 985, 50.76% female). Study 2 used a sample collected from Finnish discussion forums and social networking sites, with participants ranging from 18 to 29 years of age (n = 205, 54.63% female). Study 3 used a demographically balanced sample of American youths aged 18 to 25 years (n = 883, 50.17% female). Analyses were based on generalized structural equation models examining the role of problem gambling, consumer debt, and debt problems (i.e., default and debt enforcement) on psychological distress. Additional mediation analysis was run with treating both instant loans and debt problems as mediators.ResultsAll three studies showed that problem gambling was associated with consumer debt, which was further associated with debt problems. Both consumer debt (studies 1 and 2) and debt problems (study 3) were associated with psychological distress. Problem gambling was also directly associated with psychological distress in studies 1 and 3, but not in study 2. In Finland, consumer debt mediated the relationship between problem gambling and psychological distress (studies 1 and 2), while study 3 underlined the mediating role of debt problems in the USA, where consumer debt itself was not positively associated with psychological distress.ConclusionsThe results of the three studies indicate that problem gambling-related psychological distress is partly explained by consumer debt. Consumer credit and payday loans may provide resources for gamblers that enable them to keep up with the habit. This may eventually lead to debt problems and psychological distress. Cross-national differences exist, but in both Nordic and American models, similar mechanisms prevail. The results imply that limiting consumer debt among emerging adults could cushion the financial and psychological costs of problem gambling.
BackgroundPro-anorexia communities exist online and encourage harmful weight loss and weight control practices, often through emotional content that enforces social ties within these communities. User-generated responses to videos that directly oppose pro-anorexia communities have not yet been researched in depth.ObjectiveThe aim was to study emotional reactions to pro-anorexia and anti-pro-anorexia online content on YouTube using sentiment analysis.MethodsUsing the 50 most popular YouTube pro-anorexia and anti-pro-anorexia user channels as a starting point, we gathered data on users, their videos, and their commentators. A total of 395 anorexia videos and 12,161 comments were analyzed using positive and negative sentiments and ratings submitted by the viewers of the videos. The emotional information was automatically extracted with an automatic sentiment detection tool whose reliability was tested with human coders. Ordinary least squares regression models were used to estimate the strength of sentiments. The models controlled for the number of video views and comments, number of months the video had been on YouTube, duration of the video, uploader’s activity as a video commentator, and uploader’s physical location by country.ResultsThe 395 videos had more than 6 million views and comments by almost 8000 users. Anti-pro-anorexia video comments expressed more positive sentiments on a scale of 1 to 5 (adjusted prediction [AP] 2.15, 95% CI 2.11-2.19) than did those of pro-anorexia videos (AP 2.02, 95% CI 1.98-2.06). Anti-pro-anorexia videos also received more likes (AP 181.02, 95% CI 155.19-206.85) than pro-anorexia videos (AP 31.22, 95% CI 31.22-37.81). Negative sentiments and video dislikes were equally distributed in responses to both pro-anorexia and anti-pro-anorexia videos.ConclusionsDespite pro-anorexia content being widespread on YouTube, videos promoting help for anorexia and opposing the pro-anorexia community were more popular, gaining more positive feedback and comments than pro-anorexia videos. Thus, the anti-pro-anorexia content provided a user-generated counterforce against pro-anorexia content on YouTube. Professionals working with young people should be aware of the social media dynamics and versatility of user-generated eating disorder content online.
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