This paper examines the determinants of individual place attachment, focussing in particular on differences between deprived and others neighbourhoods, and on the impacts of population turnover and social mix. It uses a multi-level modelling approach to take account of both individual-and neighbourhood-level determinants. Data are drawn from a large sample government survey, the Citizenship Survey 2005, to which a variety of neighbourhood-level data have been attached. The paper argues that attachment is significantly lower in more deprived neighbourhoods primarily because these areas have weaker social cohesion but that, in other respects, the drivers of attachment are the same. Turnover has modest direct impacts on attachment through its effect on social cohesion. Social mix has very limited impacts on attachment and the effects vary between social groups. In general, higher status or more dominant groups appear less tolerant of social mix.

This paper adds to a growing literature on the impacts of the growth in student numbers in the UK, by focusing explicitly on their spatial residential patterns and impacts on labour markets in cities. It shows that students are typically highly residentially concentrated and statistically the population of students shows a high degree of segregation from nonstudents. Turnover within student neighbourhoods is argued to be sufficiently high to cause significant neighbourhood and community disruption in many cities. Students are also shown to have very distinct labour-market characteristics, being highly concentrated within particular sectors and types of occupation. Here too they have the potential for wider impacts, including displacement effects in relation to other local young people from entry-level jobs and increasing the flexibilisation of working practices. Students are also distinctive in apparently being able to find work if they wish to, although the evidence suggests that this is probably marginally easier in more buoyant labour markets. There is much unexplained variation between cities, though, which suggests the need for more detailed local work.

SUMMARY Fifty-seven consecutive severe male head injury patients together with a defined female relative were assessed at home 3, 6 and 12 months after injury in order to measure the psychiatric and social impact of the injury on the relative. Relatives were found to have significant and persistent psychiatric and social dysfunction and they considered themselves to have a high burden in caring for the relative throughout the year. No particular relationship was found to be the more vulnerable. The most frequent predictor of the relatives' psychiatric and social status was the level of symptomatic complaints voiced by the patients. The findings suggest the need for comprehensive rehabilitation of head injury patients and their relatives.After a severe head injury, there is often a critical period when survival is the main issue.' Those who subsequently return home frequently present a multitude of deficits and handicaps.25 Often the main burden in dealng with these problems falls on the shoulders of a close relative, usually female.Rosenbaum and Najenson6 assessed a group of Israeli war wounded soldiers and their wives 1 year after injury. They used two control groups of relatives. Higher levels of depression were recorded in the head injury wives, associated with behavioural and role shifts in their husbands.A mixed sex group of relatives of 54 head injured patients was studied prospectively at 1 month, 6 months and 12 months after injury by Odddy et al.7 They too found high levels of depression (Wakefield Depression Inventory) in the relatives, particularly at 1 month after injury when 39% scored above the threshold level on the scale. This reduced to approximately 20% at the later follow-ups, although the incidence of emotional or psychosomatic" disorders remained high throughout the year. This latter figure is however consistent with the incidence of minor emotional disorder in a normal population.8 The high levels of depression were found to be associated with the duration of post traumatic amnesia (PTA),9 the time spent in hospital and with Address for reprint requests: Dr MG Livingston, Dept of Psychological Medicine, University of Glasgow, 6 Whittingehame Gardens, Great Western Rd, Glasgow G12 OAA, UK. return to work. They were, in addition, associated with personality change and subjective complaints in the patients.McKinlay et al'°studied a close relative of 55 severely head injured adults (PTA greater than or equal to 2 days). Relatives were asked at 3, 6 and 12 months after injury to rate stress experienced on a seven point scale. Over 70% scored either medium or high stress on each occasion, associated with mental and behavioural changes in the patient. Workers from the same group'" examined the relationship between strain in relatives (a measure of subjective burden) and personality change in the patient in more detail. As the year after the injury progressed, an increased association developed between personality change in patients and subjective burden in the relatives.The studies quoted provide ...

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Selective migration fl ows are thought to be a key means by which the intended benefi ts of area-based initiatives 'leak out' of target areas, undermining their effectiveness. To date, direct evidence on the scale or impact of these fl ows has been weak since they are diffi cult to assess using survey methods. Using 2001 census data for England and Scotland, this paper looks at the scale and composition of fl ows for deprived neighbourhoods with a particular focus on educational attainment. It analyses the impacts of these fl ows on the characteristics of deprived areas, exploring differences between regions and comparing neighbourhoods involved in two major regeneration programmes with other deprived areas. The paper shows that selective migration fl ows do serve to reinforce spatial segregation but that the scale of this effect appears very modest and that impacts vary between regions. Flows for the regeneration areas are less adverse than for similarly deprived neighbourhoods.

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This paper provides evidence on the impacts that students have had on neighbourhoods in five case study cities in the UK. Drawing on extensive qualitative interview data in these cities, the paper shows how national policy towards higher education had unintended and unanticipated problems for urban policy-makers. It argues that responses to these problems are shaped by discourses about what is normalised student behaviour and, implicitly, class-based ideologies. These are argued to shape the way in which the problems created by studentified neighbourhoods are perceived and the way in which local actors subsequently respond.

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