To systematically study and document regional variations in descriptions of nervios, we undertook a multisite comparative study of the illness among Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and Guatemalans. We also conducted a parallel study on susto (Weller et al. 2002, Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 26(4): 449-472), which allows for a systematic comparison of these illnesses across sites. The focus of this paper is inter- and intracultural variations in descriptions in four Latino populations of the causes, symptoms, and treatments of nervios, as well as similarities and differences between nervios and susto in these same communities. We found agreement among all four samples on a core description of nervios, as well as some overlap in aspects of nervios and susto. However, nervios is a much broader illness, related more to continual stresses. In contrast, susto seems to be related to a single stressful event.

This study reports on community surveys of 160 representative Latino adults in Hartford, CT, Edinburg, TX, Guadalajara, Mexico; and in rural Guatemala. A 142-item questionnaire covered asthma beliefs and practices (e.g., causes, symptoms, and treatments). The cultural consensus model was used to analyze the agreement among respondents within each sample and to describe beliefs. Beliefs were then compared across the four samples. Analysis of the questionnaire data shows that there was overall consistency or consensus regarding beliefs and practices among individuals at each site (intraculturally) and to a lesser extent across respondents of all four different Latino cultural groups (i.e., interculturally). This pattern of response is indicative of a shared belief system among the four groups with regard to asthma. Within this shared belief system though, there is systematic variation between groups in causes, symptoms, and treatments for asthma. The most widely recognized and shared beliefs concerned causes of asthma. Notable differences were present between samples in terms of differences in beliefs about symptoms and treatments. The biomedical model is shown to be a part of the explanatory model at all sites; in addition to the biomedical model, ethnocultural beliefs such as the humoral ("hot/cold") aspects and the importance of balance are also evident. The Connecticut Puerto Ricans had a greater degree of shared beliefs about asthma than did the other three samples (p < 0.00005). It was concluded that the four Latino groups studied share an overall belief system regarding asthma, including many aspects of the biomedical model of asthma. In addition, traditional Latino ethnomedical beliefs are present, especially concerning the importance of balance in health and illness. Many beliefs and practices are site-specific, and caution should be used when using inclusive terms such as "Hispanic" or "Latino," since there is variation as well as commonality among different ethnic groups with regard to health beliefs and practices.

The cultural consensus model facilitated assessment of cultural beliefs regarding diabetes and diabetes management. Overall, Latino cultural beliefs about diabetes were concordant with the biomedical model. Variation in responses tended to characterize less knowledge or experience with diabetes and not different beliefs.

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Susto, a folk illness not recognized by biomedical practitioners as a disease, is now formally part of the diagnostic classification system in psychiatry as a "culture-bound syndrome." Susto has been reported among diverse groups of Latin Americans, but most of those reports are several decades old and many were conducted in Indian communities. This study focuses on contemporary descriptions of susto and uses a cross-cultural, comparative design to describe susto in three diverse Latino populations. Mestizo/ladino populations were interviewed in Guatemala, Mexico, and south Texas. An initial set of open-ended interviews was conducted with a sample of "key" informants at each site to obtain descriptive information about susto. A structured interview protocol was developed for use at all three sites, incorporating information from those initial interviews. A second set of structured interviews was then conducted with a representative sample at each site. Results indicate a good deal of consistency in reports of what susto is: what causes it, its symptoms, and how to treat it. There appear to be, however, some notable regional variations in treatments and a difference between past descriptions and contemporary reports of etiology.

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Susto is a Latin American folk illness attributed to having a fright-ening experience, often including “soul loss” as part of the etiology. This article focuses on contemporary descriptions of susto among mestizos in Mexico and Mexican Americans in south Texas and explores the link between susto and soul loss in detail. Interviews conducted in Guadalajara, Mexico (n = 50), and in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas (n = 951) indicate that only a minority of informants aware of susto have also heard of soul loss and that even among those who have had susto, soul loss is not necessarily a part of susto. Soul loss, in fact, is more often equated with death. Our data, as well as a careful review of earlier reports of susto and soul loss, suggest that what was thought to have left the body may not be the “soul” but rather a “vital force.”

In a comparative study of evil eye (mal de ojo), we demonstrate a methodology appropriate for the study of cultural transmission of beliefs. We studied four diverse populations with historical links to Spain: Puerto Ricans in Connecticut, Mexican Americans in south Texas, Mexicans in Guadalajara, and rural Guatemalans. Using agreement on ideas or themes about evil eye within and across sites, we identify specific ideas that may have persisted through time. The relevance of specific themes was estimated with a cultural consensus analysis. Mal de ojo was widely recognized in each community and higher community prevalence was associated with higher agreement on reported causes, symptoms, and treatments. Each community exhibited a distinct model for ojo, although models were highly similar between sites.