While conflict and cooperation in Central Asia are mainly focused on the larger basins (Amu and Syr Darya) and the implementation of the agreement reached directly after independence (1991), here an analysis of the history of water-sharing agreements in the Isfara Basin is presented. The paper reveals that there have been fierce negotiations and renegotiations even during the Soviet Union period between the Central Asian riparian republics; agreement was reached mainly though engineering solutions that brought more water to the basin. The paper highlights that although water-sharing agreements were reached early on, the technical capability of implementing these agreements was lacking. Similarly, even after independence, agreements had been reached but lack of water control hindered their implementation
In this article, we empirically examine how the Central Asian states apply external regime legitimation strategies to legitimize their regimes domestically. We used the Central Asia Watch Project's data from five Central Asian state-run media outlets to examine spatial and temporal changes in applying regime legitimation strategies. The results show that all Central Asian countries employed external regime legitimation strategies but those strategies differ based on regime type. Overall, we see a continuity and persistence in reporting regional cooperation but underreporting of regional conflict throughout the 2016-2017 timeframe of this study.
While there has been a regional and international focus on large reservoirs in Central Asia, smaller transboundary reservoirs within the Ferghana Valley have been overlooked. The valley is shared by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, three riparian countries of the upstream Syr Darya. Located within the valley are many small transboundary tributaries and reservoirs. An analysis of the initial proposals and documented negotiations for four of these reservoirs reveals a changing pattern of benefit sharing. These past approaches call into question the argument that the boundaries set by the Soviets did not matter, as well as the assumption that Moscow as a hegemon planned infrastructure in order to divide and rule Central Asia.
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