This paper reviews the literature on decentralization in multiethnic states with the objective of exploring key issues in the literature, identifying research gaps and suggesting policy recommendations for Norwegian development policy. Overall, the review has demonstrated that many of the promises of decentralization have not been met or documented, or the results have been mixed. There is no consistent evidence to document that decentralization has served as a conflict management tool. The experience differs significantly between governments in unitary and federal states respectively. In unitary states governments often use decentralization as a tool for eroding ethnic identity and solidarity. Federal governments often apply the exact opposite approach; they explicitly recognise the rights of ethnic groups in a national system of ethnic accommodation. They believe that accommodation of national minorities holds the key to stability and unity. The evidence is mixed with regard to the impact of federalism on conflict. Some argue that federal solutions may have a conflict mitigating potential in the short term, while in the long term secession is a distinct possibility. Findings from comparative qualitative case studies provide a mixed picture. Some argue that 'true autonomy prevents secession' while others point to the dismal track record of federal states.
Whereas it has been well documented that Nepal has experienced progress in economic and human development over the last decade, this article examines the impact of caste, ethnicity, religion and region on perceptions of socio-economic and socio-cultural change. Based on results of the Center for Nepal and Asian Studies (CNAS) Social Exclusion Survey of 2890 households, we find that regardless of background characteristics, a majority of people report socio-economic improvements, more ethnic integration and less discrimination. Although traditionally excluded caste, ethnic and religious groups are somewhat less likely to report social improvements than more privileged groups, two models of socio-economic and socio-cultural change show that such group differences disappear when controlling for socio-economic and other background characteristics.
This report analyses the delivery of tsunami aid in Sri Lanka through international non-governmental organizations and the interface between the international aid delivery system and Sri Lankan governance institutions, civil society organizations and communities. Collaboration between international aid agencies and Sri Lankan civil society organizations worked out relatively well. Most agencies were also aware of the need to involve communities. Yet, few had found ways of effectively ensuring community participation. Local governance institutions were initially very active in the recovery effort, but later on their role was largely reduced to facilitating the work of aid agencies.
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